MIM NOTES No. 197, November 1, 1999 New evidence of fraud, corruption, and just plain dirty tricks at LAPD A widely publicized investigation into corruption in the Los Angeles Police Department (LAPD) calls the validity of hundreds -- maybe thousands -- of arrests into question -- even by Amerikkan standards. It also exposes the limits of police reform. Three years ago, two Los Angeles police officers burst into Javier Franciso Ovando's apartment, handcuffed, and shot him three times in the chest.(1) One of the officers then "grabbed [Ovando] by the front of the shirt , held him upright and shot him point-blank in the head."(2) Ovando was 19 years old at the time of the attack and he had no criminal record. The attack against Ovando confined him to a wheelchair for the rest of his life, yet he was convicted of assaulting the officers and sentenced to 23 years in prison. Now one of the officers involved in the attack says that he and his partner planted a .22 caliber rifle with a banana clip on Ovando and framed him for the assault.(2) Former officer Rafael Perez, convicted of stealing eight pounds of cocaine from a police property room, is telling details about the Ovando shooting and the everyday abuses and corruption he witnessed at the LAPD's Rampart Division as part of a deal to shorten his sentence. He says that LAPD corruption is "a cancer that has gone too long without being treated."(3) The Rampart Division is in a largely Central American and Mexican neighborhood. Perez' testimony launched what mainstream media calls "the biggest corruption scandal in 60 years." MIM gives the bourgeois news Pollyanna kudos for being able to say that with a straight face considering that the LAPD has been synonymous with creeping fascism over the last 60 years. The LAPD has left scores of Ovandos and Rodney Kings in its wake, most recently a homeless womyn gunned down by cops for being in the wrong place at the wrong time. Of course, this is the first time in a while that the LAPD felt it had to cover its ass and undertake something resembling an investigation. Back in the 1970s and 1980s the LAPD virulently defended its policies to harass and imprison Latino and Black youth by any means necessary.(4) The FBI and the LAPD itself are investigating charges against officers. The charges range from "illegal shootings and drug dealing [by cops] to excessive force and so-called code of silence violations"(2) As of 20 September, 12 officers from one LAPD unit had been fired as a result of the investigation. Perez has already testified that cops planted weapons on victims of another police shooting that left one man dead.(2) "Testilying" Perez also charges that cops regularly planted drugs on suspects and lied in court -- a practice LAPD officers called "testilying." In the last decade, 14 cops have been convicted of falsifying testimony, though we know it is more widespread.(2) The LAPD sent out 200 letters to defense attorneys, telling them that evidence in cases Perez was involved in may have been tainted. That's over 200 cases tainted by Perez alone! The LA County district attorney refuses to release numbers on how many cases were tainted by all of the officers under investigation. This drives home a point MIM makes all the time -- how can Amerikan courts prove anybody guilty of a crime beyond reasonable doubt when the cops lie and the courts believe them? Perez' testimony is particularly embarrassing to the LAPD because his made-up account of the Ovando shooting was "some of the most persuasive testimony used by prosecutors to obtain a sweeping anti-gang injunction."(5) Because this testimony has been revealed as bogus, prosecutors suspended enforcement of the injunction.(6) The injunction made it illegal for alleged gang members to gather in public. That is, the injunction robbed alleged gang members of rights supposedly guaranteed to them by the U.$. Constitution, such as the right to assembly. Once again, we see that the justifications used by cops and courts to crack down on oppressed nation youth are just hysteria. Fascist gestapo pigs According to one police officer, "[Cops] figure these guys are gang members, they're here illegal. If [the alleged gang members] didn't do something, they'd plant something on them. "It keeps 'dummy' off the street, keeps [arrest] numbers up, and everyone's happy. You would hear a spattering of that. It's very hush hush."(5) Far from being the ideas of a few "bad apples," these attitudes flow from the cops' social role among oppressed nations in the U.$.: To protect the (principally white) capitalists' property and keep a lid on unrest and protest. Those individual police officers who truly wish to "Serve and Protect" must battle against the fascist ideology of other officers while being compelled by superiors to uphold objectively fascist policies, such as "anti- gang" injunctions or "gang suppression" units like the CRASH program. In the polite language of the LA Times, the "elite, hard-charging" CRASH (Community Resources Against Street Hoodlums) squad "had a reputation for heavy handed tactics."(5) The CRASH unit is a main focus of the current investigations. CRASH officers regularly rounded up local youth, lined them up with their hands behind their heads and interrogated them. Even a local business owner with some pro-cop sympathies said that "there were many abuses by police. They treated people like animals."(5) The cops and courts adversarial attitudes towards the masses made it impossible for the masses to seek redress or justice "through the system." An 18th Street gang member witnessed the Ovando shooting but did testify against the officers. In the words of a friend of Ovando, "Who would believe 18th street gang members?"(2) As the Black Panther Party put it, "The police occupy our neighborhoods like a foreign army occupies territory." "Community control": Whose "community"? To what ends? Wary of another LA rebellion, the LAPD is airing an unusual amount of its dirty laundry. Even Jeff Eglash, the city-government- appointed inspector general, complains that police chief Bernard Parks "unilaterally sought to put restrictions on the inspector general."(3) Eglash and Parks are currently quibbling over how much the inspector general can actually investigate. Other bourgeois critics have said that Parks "believes in [vaguely defined-MIM] civilian oversight in theory but not in practice."(3) In the middle of this debate, Parks blurted out a damning revelation: "It makes no difference who looks at material if it's fraudulent on its face and all the witnesses are part of the fraud. These people [the cops] are the only witnesses." While Parks said this in order to wash his hands and squelch all criticism of the LAPD, it does show that all attempts to "police the police" under bourgeois rule will have limited success. One of the main lessons of the Marxist theory of the state is that the ruling class -- in Amerika the imperialist bourgeoisie -- is not bound by the legal formalisms it creates for itself. When push comes to shove, and "police reform" threatens the ability of the police to protect bourgeois rule, then the police will resort to extra-legal measures. For example, to paraphrase Parks, they will go underground. In The Proletarian Revolution and the Renegade Kautsky, Lenin discussed the ability of bourgeois remnants to carry out dirty tricks: "For a long time after the revolution the exploiters inevitably continue to enjoy a number of great practical advantages; they still have money... they still have various connections, habits of organization and management, knowledge of all of the "secrets" (customs, methods, means and possibilities) of management, superior education... incomparably greater experience in the art of war (this is very important), and so on, and so forth." If this is the situation after the revolution, how much more of an advantage will the bourgeoisie have when they have state power! This is why real Marxists talk about smashing the bourgeois state, and (unlike social-democrats) have no illusions about the proletariat being able to use bourgeois institutions to proletarian ends. The Black Panther Party, for example, did not "police the police" by calling for City Council oversight -- they went out and monitored police action themselves and made it clear that abuses would not be tolerated. They did not start "community policing" by calling for the hiring of more Black police officers -- they started policing the community themselves, independently of bourgeois institutions. Revolutionaries today can learn much from their example. Notes: 1. The Los Angeles Times, 16 September 1999. 2. The Los Angeles Times, 17 September 1999. 3. The Los Angeles Times, 20 September 1999. 4. See "The Hammer and the Rock" in: Mike Davis, City of Quartz, Vintage Books: New York, 1992, pp.265-322. 5. The Los Angeles Times, 19 September 1999. 6. The Los Angeles Times, 21 September 1999.