This is an archive of the former website of the Maoist Internationalist Movement, which was run by the now defunct Maoist Internationalist Party - Amerika. The MIM now consists of many independent cells, many of which have their own indendendent organs both online and off. MIM(Prisons) serves these documents as a service to and reference for the anti-imperialist movement worldwide.
MIA or Mythmaking in America: How and why belief in live POWs has possessed a nation
by H. Bruce Franklin
New York: Lawrence Hill Books
1992
188pp.
(expanded 1993 edition available for sale)
reviewed by MC45

In his Preface to this myth-shattering volume, Bruce Franklin writes: "When I began investigating this belief in live POWs, I intended the results to be only a chapter in a book about how American culture shaped and was reshaped by the Vietnam War. I had little sense of the depth or breadth of the faith, perhaps because it seemed so obviously irrational and related to an issue of such apparently minor significance compared with other effects of the war on both America and the nations of Indochina."(p. xi) From a chapter on Amerikan culture and the war in Vietnam Franklin's project grew into a detailed explosion of the manufactured documentation, trumped up charges of barbarism against the Vietnamese, and mass wishful support for the idea of remaining POWs fed by popular culture of the Rambo variety.

MIA or Mythmaking in America is a fast-paced account of the development and perpetuation of the myth that live u.$. soldiers remain as POWs in Vietnam. Throughout, Franklin puts the POW/MIA myth in the context of Amerika's war against Vietnam. This is not the work of a liberal who argues that the governments of Indochina have done all they can to satisfy the u.$. Franklin consistently argues that many failures of Vietnamese record-keeping (i.e., records on the state of prisoners of war) were a direct result of their country being bombed. It is difficult to retain records and keep prisoners alive when bombs and troops are attacking every day. He also notes repeatedly where Amerikan economic and military interests are served by keeping the POW/MIA myth alive as a lever against the Vietnamese government in negotiations on any topic.

MIM recommends this book highly both for people who are familiar with the war in Vietnam and those who are not. A former anti-war activist who remembers the developing logic of the POW/MIA campaign has told MIM that s/he has never believed in the tens or hundreds of POWs supposedly being held. The logic is simple: why? What could a country already brutalized by the Amerikan military possibly have to gain by hanging on to prisoners-of-war and keeping them secret? For liberals and for others familiar with the war, Mythmaking in America provides the detail to substantiate the apparent logic that the u.$. government has manufactured the POW/MIA myth to serve imperialism.

For younger readers who are new to the history of this country's war against Vietnam, Mythmaking in Amerika is a solid introduction to the war's major events. Because his subject is the united snakes' propaganda machine as it developed around the war, Franklin does a better job explaining the reactionary version of the war's history taught in school or in the movies.

Franklin explains how the myth began, when Richard Nixon's administration collapsed the categories of POW and MIA into one as the war was going badly and protests against the war became larger. Nixon's public relations tactics amounted to lying to the families of Amerikan soldiers. Franklin describes how a soldier who is lost in action can only be found to be presumptively dead after "investigation over a lengthy period of time" and "a complex administrative and legal process."(pp. 16-7) The u.$. government further decided to hold both the Viet Minh and National Liberation Front responsible for a list of individuals who had been lost in the war even if they were known to be dead. The administration complicated this demand by excluding CIA employees from the list (while reserving the right to demand their return), and reporting all on the list as having been lost in Vietnam (even if they were in Laos, Cambodia, or the South China Sea).(pp. 68-9)

The MIA/POW category eventually included more than 1,000 soldiers who were originally designated as Killed in Action/Body not Recovered (KIA/BNR). This was because in spite of direct military witness accounting that these soldiers had been killed, the military changed their classification using the excuse that if the bodies were not in the care of the government or the families they could not be sure.(pp. 11-13) Franklin writes: "Even without subjective elements coming into play, these rigorous definitions lead unavoidably to creating more MIAs than actually exist."(p. 17) There are some rational reasons to expand the MIA classification. Some soldiers whose deaths really are unconfirmed will initially be called MIA. The more difficult it is to find identifiable remains, the longer their MIA status will persist. By turning so many people who were clearly KIA/BNR into MIAs, and the into potential POWs by combining the categories, Nixon's spin doctors purposely gave false hope to soldiers' families in the name of creating a reason to stay in this increasingly questionable war.

Out of Nixon's P.R. machine grew a number of families' and support organizations that were dedicated to the task of spreading a very emotional brand of propaganda about the existence of live POWs. The "You Are Not Forgotten" slogan we still see on bumper stickers shows how bent this movement was on sustaining the belief that Amerikans in Vietnam are only waiting to be rescued. To "forget" these men has become synonymous with telling these families that their 30 years of waiting for the return of their loved ones has been nothing but a service to the Amerikan government's desire to keep an enemy in Vietnam. Nixon could never have developed such a fierce following for his war effort through the state alone.

The POW/MIA Fact Book, first issued in 1982 by the Reagan Administration,(p. 5) has done much to confuse the issue and the facts. Franklin takes a handful of cases from the factbooks of the 1980s and early 1990s and compares the stories of the same supposed POWs from year to year. The Fact Books commit such butchery of history as to count one individual of a crew of six as a POW -- although his five crew members were openly released to the Amerikan government. The Fact Books of later years have resurrected soldiers and spies who had been reported as dead in years past, without explanation of how the prior reporting was incorrect. Yet another Amerikan soldier who died (and whose death was substantiated in writing by a fellow solder) remained in the Fact Books because the government of Vietnam had not reported on his death to the Amerikan government.(pp. 28-32)

Franklin takes time to elaborate the responsibility borne by the Amerikan press and movie industry. He refers to the Pentagon as "using ink as an octopus does, clouding the waters to obscure its own activities."(p. 88) In this effort, the newspapers were complicit -- printing the stories as they came out of the Defense Department rather than doing some basic math to figure out that the day to day reports didn't add up. Cataloging the Hollywood movies that provided explicit imagery for the POW/MIA myth, Franklin details historical falsehoods in The Deer Hunter, POW: The Escape, Uncommon Valor, The Rambo Series and many more. He writes that The Deer Hunter took "images of the war that had become deeply embedded in America's consciousness and transform[ed] them into their opposite."(p. 133) So a scene that could have been the massacre by Amerikan troops at My Lai features Vietnamese soldiers brutalizing a village and an Amerikan stepping in to stop the bloodshed.

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