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Communist Party of Peru







Pay attention to analysis and synthesis - these are two

aspects of a contradiction and synthesis is the

principal one. Analysis allows us to break down and set

elements apart in order to achieve a better

understanding, but this is only one aspect. It is not, nor

can it ever be, the entire process of knowledge. It

requires its other aspect - synthesis. It is synthesis which

enables us to grasp the essence of knowledge. If

there is no synthesis there is no qualitative leap in

knowledge. Synthesis is the decisive aspect, the main

aspect, the one which enables the formulation of

objective laws. Grasping this question is a problem of an

ideological nature. It is an essential part of the

application of the Marxist theory of knowledge, of

dialectical materialism. Grasping this point runs counter

to bourgeois idealist ideology which strives to

separate analysis from synthesis. From the standpoint of

proletarian ideology, from the standpoint of

Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, these are two aspects of the

same unity but synthesis is the principal aspect

since it produces a higher level of knowledge, a

qualitative change, a qualitative leap. There are two

classic examples of this. One is the example of the clock.

In order to understand its mechanism it is first

necessary to take it apart. This allows us to know its

components and the functions of each one of them.

But if the clock is not put together again there is no

clock, only its parts. Even if they were to be placed

together in a group that would only constitute a pile of

pieces, never a clock. -----------------------------------

---------------------*Intervention by President Gonzalo in a

reunion on the rectification campaign on the

study of the document No to elections Yes to People's

War ! The other example is the development of

the various disciplines of natural science since the

fifteenth century. This process historically

demonstrates where lack of synthesis leads to. The great

development of science enabled us to grasp

various aspects of nature through studies such as

mathematics, astronomy, physics, etc. But this

development, entailing the breaking apart, the analytical

process of science, its differentiation into various

fields, often led to metaphysical theories. Even the

eighteenth century, a century of great materialist

scientific advance, produced metaphysical knowledge.

Nevertheless, all this breaking into constituent

parts, all this separation of fields of knowledge, laid the

foundations for the qualitative leap. It generated

the conditions, first for the appearance of Hegel's idealist

dialectics and, later, of Marx's materialist

dialectics. Therefore this breaking down required

synthesis, a thoroughgoing condensation. It laid

the ground and the appropriate conditions for that

dialectical materialism achieved by Marx and Engels,

principally by Marx. The arrival at this milestone, at the

proletarian outlook, at Marxist philosophy, at

dialectical materialism, was a process linked to a

powerful synthesis. It was in this same manner that we

arrived at the central question of the proletarian outlook,

at the question of the universality of

contradiction, an historical qualitative leap of

monumental importance. Both examples show the need

for synthesis, for the qualitative leap. Therefore let us

pay special attention to analysis and to synthesis,

principally to synthesis. From the various contributions to

the debate we can see a problem arising: the

process of breaking down into constituent parts leads to

talk about quotations;. The contributions say

quotations from the document; or, on reading the

words of Marx;, or, on grasping the quotations of

the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution;. In this

manner they fall into listing isolated quotations which

are not applied to actual and current problems. In this

way the lack of grasp of synthesis generates a

problem: a failure to grasp the proletarian ideology as a

unity - as Marxism-Leninism-Maoism. We can

see this problem even in some peoples' way of expressing

themselves. For example, in one of the

contributions the question of Marxism-Leninism-

Maoism, principally Maoism, and the fact that, here in

Peru, this ideology's creative application is Gonzalo

Thought; is barely mentioned a couple of times. It is

not sufficient to grasp only the facts. Wherever there is a

problem one must seek the cause. This is an

ideological question and since, in the realm of ideology,

the contradiction between proletarian and

bourgeois ideology manifests itself, there is always

resistance and bourgeois ideology reflects itself in that

specific and concrete moment in time as taking

precedence over the proletarian ideology. This is but part

and parcel of the struggle between these two ideologies

which commonly arises in those inexperienced

people who themselves are still in the midst of their

ideological development. This entails the need to

demolish bourgeois ideology in order to build up

proletarian ideology. Without demolition there can be

no construction. The dead weight of tradition, of old

ideas and customs, of deformities in the ideological

level, constitutes an encumbrance presenting strong

resistance. Therein lies the need for a profound

effort in the direction of transformation. Human beings

are practical beings, not contemplative entities,

particularly so when acting upon reality in order to

change it in the service of the proletariat and the

people. Hence humanity is capable of overcoming the old

and obsolete ideology and of embracing the

proletarian ideology, the only ideology able to

comprehend and transform the world in the service of the

class and the oppressed peoples. Very well. But, when

studying, this contradiction is an issue of analysis

and synthesis. From the standpoint of knowledge this is

the driving force which generates a qualitative

leap. In the absence of a correct handling of this

contradiction problems will arise in the handling of the

proletarian ideology. Therein, at this level, lies the root-

cause of the failure to take a stand for Marxism-

Leninism-Maoism, principally Maoism, as universal

truth, as the outlook uniting the communists of the

whole world and, specifically, the failure to take a stand

principally for Gonzalo Thought here in Peru for

this, our Peruvian revolution. Taking up positions based

on isolated quotations on the international

situation or on the national political situation, on the

questions of the Party and its Three Instruments, or

on work among the masses, etc., reveals a failure to

conceive Marxism as a unity. When studying, to

restrict oneself to the analysis and to fail in the handling

of the synthesis as the principal factor,

constitutes a problem of a bourgeois ideological character

involving failure to carry out a qualitative leap.

Taking a stand for Marxism-Leninism-Maoism,

principally Maoism, as guide and centre, is the axis upon

which everything depends. It is this standpoint, the one

which generates comprehension and the

elucidating of the objective law, the grasping of which

makes possible the changing of everything -

nature, society and ideas. One must always learn this

lesson well. Limiting oneself merely to analysis

leads to metaphysics. Undertaking synthesis leads to

dialectical materialism. In studying the document

this outlook enables us to arrive at Marxism. Arriving at

Marxism leads us to Leninism, and Leninism to

Maoism. Of all these three, Maoism is principal.

Moreover, Maoism leads us to Gonzalo Thought, which

is the universal truth specific to the concrete reality of

Peruvian society and specific to the concrete

conditions of the class struggle today. It is synthesis

which enables us to understand the document and to

understand its Marxist character. To grasp the way in

which the Party understands Marxism today while

basing itself on the Marxist-Leninist-Maoist, Gonzalo

Thought, thesis which holds that Maoism is the

new and superior stage. All of us, communists, fighters

and masses, must forge ourselves in the proletarian

ideology - Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, Gonzalo





The Great

Proletarian Cultural Revolution is the greatest

achievement of Chairman Mao and it constitutes an

enormous contribution to the world proletarian

revolution. This revolution served to solve one of the

outstanding problems of socialism - the continuation of

the revolution under the dictatorship of the

proletariat in its inexorable march towards communism.

This question has been resolved for all time and

communists already know the answer to the problem - we

shall continue the revolution under the

conditions of socialist society by means of proletarian

cultural revolutions. In perspective, the gist of the

question is to change the soul, to transform ideological

outlook. The issue is to make of Marxism-

Leninism-Maoism a living reality. Only thus can

capitalist restoration be avoided and the march to

communism be advanced. The Great Proletarian Cultural

Revolution is a fundamental question of Maoism.

If we do not understand Maoism correctly as the new,

third and higher stage of Marxism, it is impossible

to understand anything. Therein lies the question in all

its simplicity. We know very well that to be a

Marxist today means to be a Marxist-Leninist-Maoist,

principally a Maoist. The theoretical foundations

of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution are rooted in

Marx himself who pointed out that in the

transition from capitalism to communism there is a need

for a permanent revolution throughout a period

of proletarian dictatorship, an indispensable and

necessary permanent revolution understood as a series of

successive great leaps. This theory is also rooted in

Lenin who himself conceived and promoted the

cultural revolution. But it fell to Chairman Mao to

resolve this great unfinished task of the continuation

of the revolution. He directed, realised and developed

this revolution as the greatest political event

witnessed by humanity. Despite many and very great

struggles the issue was not settled until 1966 when

the proletariat and the people of China found the way

under the personal leadership of Chairman Mao Tse

tung at the helm of the glorious Communist Party of

China, and in so doing shook the world. For us this

event has even more vital importance today since the

trumpeted defeat of socialism; is connected with

the way in which socialism develops and how the

proletarian dictatorship is defended. This failure is the

failure of revisionism, not the failure of socialism. It is

revisionism which has continued its sinister road

of capitalist restoration, sinking into the mire of its final

bankruptcy. The revisionists, in the USSR since

1956 with Khrushchev down to the infamous Gorbachev,

and in China with Deng Xiao Ping from 1976 to

the present, usurped the dictatorship of the proletariat,

restored capitalism and destroyed socialism.

Revisionism is the political direction of restoration, the

negative aspect of the process of restoration and

counter-restoration which the class necessarily undergoes

until it definitively installs itself in power. The

Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution is the most positive

and greatest contribution in this world-wide

process of struggle between revolution and counter-

revolution, of restoration and counter-restoration

within the development of socialism. The fact that it

only lasted until 1976 and the fact that the counter-

revolutionary revisionist coup of Deng Xiao Ping and the

subsequent capitalist restoration took place does

not in the least negate the Cultural Revolution nor its

necessity. Moreover, this restoration confirms the

words of Chairman Mao: in the struggle between

capitalism and socialism, in the life and death struggle

between restoration and counter-restoration, in the

antagonistic struggle between bourgeoisie and

proletariat, the question of who will defeat whom is not

yet settled., and that the class struggle would

continue until final victory, until the achievement of

communism. That the Cultural Revolution unfolded

from 1966 until 1976 is an incontrovertible fact, a reality;

the whole world saw it happen. Therefore, the

Proletarian Cultural Revolution is a settled issue. Marx

in 1848 said that political power would be

conquered by violence, but he did not live to see this nor

was he instrumental in the unfolding of this

process. Nevertheless he gave us the solution - the

proletariat had to conquer power by means of

revolutionary violence and had to apply the proletarian

dictatorship. In the same manner Chairman Mao has

provided the solution for the continuation of the

revolution under the conditions of the proletarian

dictatorship. Moreover, he had the opportunity of

applying this solution in practice. Therefore, we

already know what to do as we have historical

experience. Without detracting from the Paris Commune

of 1871, an event which marked the first milestone in

the process of the conquest of political power for the

proletariat, let us remember that Marx himself

understood that the Commune was bound to fail since it

lacked a communist party to direct it. Nevertheless, he

said that we could not allow the morale of the

class to be debased, nor did it matter how many leaders

may fall. He defended and supported this

struggle. Despite its importance as the first milestone the

Paris Commune cannot be compared with the

unfolding of the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution

which is a milestone of a far higher quality.

Besides, the Paris Commune only lasted two months

while the Cultural Revolution spanned more than ten

years, was led by Chairman Mao and the Communist

Party of China and mobilised hundreds of millions

of people. Between these two milestones there is the

October Revolution led by Lenin, the creator of the

first dictatorship of the proletariat and of the first

socialist country on earth, and the Chinese Democratic

Revolution led by Chairman Mao, which achieved victory

in 1949. Of these four great and glorious

milestones in the process of the conquest of power and of

the construction of socialism, the highest

and most highly developed milestone to date is the Great

Proletarian Cultural Revolution. In our Party, the

Communist Party of Peru, the general political line

establishes the fact that the Peruvian Revolution in its

march towards communism spans three revolutions: the

democratic, the socialist and the cultural

revolution (not just one but many), and that all of these,

from the very first one, would constitute one

single uninterrupted march towards communism.

Especially today me must grasp this point very well

since now, twenty five years since the Great Proletarian

Cultural Revolution, we can see our future in this

revolution. Moreover, let us bear very much in mind the

fact that it was in the process of this revolution

that Maoism illuminated the world and became the new

third and higher stage of Marxism: Marxism-

Leninism-Maoism. Let us celebrate the 25th

Anniversary of the Great Proletarian Cultural

Revolution! The document, No to Elections! Yes to

People's War!; deals with the contributions laid

down by Chairman Mao for the process of the Cultural

Revolution. Therefore, it points out for us the

central issues for celebrating the Great Proletarian

Cultural Revolution. The contributions that have been

expressed here have grasped the Cultural Revolution and

its essence, but we must be able to understand it

within the parameters of our tasks. Let us get used to

studying in order to apply, in order to obtain

practical conclusions from current affairs. This leads us

on to a third question.


The political practice of the proletariat is to grasp

documents, policies or Party directives in

order to apply them to the political moment. We always

undertake study with a view to its application and

in order to resolve actual problems. Otherwise we would

fall into bookish studies, into mere parroting,

and that is a bourgeois, idealist and metaphysical

method. Therefore, let us analyse the current class

struggle in the light of the four sections of the document.

Let us ponder the ideas we perceive today and

the ideas that the Central Committee must decide upon.

In the first section - ELECTIONS ARE CRUCIAL

FOR THE REACTIONARIES - what is the document

pointing at? The document shows us the

international and the national context. On the question

of the international class struggle, let us keep in

mind that today we have the rise of a general counter-

revolutionary offensive of international scope. Let

us recall the Party's stand of 1985 when regarding

Gorbachev's perestroika - we held that we were facing

a new counter-revolutionary revisionist offensive headed

principally by Gorbachev and Deng Xiao Ping;.

And later, in May 1990, in the document we are

presently studying, we said that we were

facing a recently intensified offensive in convergence

with the offensive unleashed by imperialism

against Marxism, an offensive characterised by renewed

shouts about a supposed and trumpeted

obsolescence of Marxism,

therefore in this case the collusion and the struggle, and

here principally the collusion implicit in this

sinister onslaught, is aimed at Marxism-Leninism-

Maoism.;. In synthesis, we are dealing with a

convergent offensive of imperialism and revisionism in

collusion and in struggle. The events which have

occurred since have confirmed that this has been, is, and

continues to be, the case. But would it not be

correct to consider that we are going through a general

counter-revolutionary offensive? Why do we say

this? Because everyone is attacking the revolution, the

democratic revolution, the socialist revolution,

attacking revolutionary violence, the people's war. They

are attacking the communist party, socialism,

the dictatorship of the proletariat and they are attacking

the goal, communism. They say that the facts

have demonstrated that socialism is no longer valid, that

socialism does not exist, that it has failed. But

we must remind them that in the fifties there was a

socialist camp, that the victory of the Chinese

revolution meant a momentous change in the correlation

of forces in the world and that there never had

been in history a social system capable of changing so

deeply and so rapidly the rotten capitalist and

feudal structures that existed in the USSR or in China.

We must remind them, too, that socialism in the

USSR unfolded under Lenin and under comrade Stalin

until the usurpation of power by the revisionist

Khrushchev, and that the situation in China was similar,

where socialism lasted until 1976 when, after the

death of Chairman Mao, Deng Xiao Ping carried out a

counter-revolutionary revisionist coup d'etat. And

we must remind them, also, that if we are to count from

1848 when Marx and Engels, who were only but

two people, wrote the immortal Manifesto of the

Communist Party, laying down the fundamentals of

scientific socialism and then, from 1917 when this

socialism was first implemented, we can see that

socialism is young, it has had but a short life and today it

continues to exist as an experience. It lives on

in the Communists and the revolutionaries of the world,

it lives as an ideology and as a praxis. Also, it

lives in us, the communists and revolutionaries of Peru.

Therefore we are talking about a general counter-

revolutionary offensive aimed at averting the revolution

as the main historical and political trend in

today's world. And who are those aiming their spears

against the revolution? It is jointly the imperialists

and the revisionists. Nevertheless, of the two, US

imperialism is the principal element as leader of the

offensive since it aims to establish itself as the sole

superpower in its struggle for hegemony against the

other, Russian, superpower and the other imperialist

powers. This offensive is developed principally by

US imperialism in its role as main aspirant to world

hegemony. Also, it is a general offensive because,

besides coming from imperialism, revisionism and world

reaction, it also occurs at all levels: ideological,

political and economic, although the political level is the

principal one. We must ponder this very

seriously, analyse it and grasp it well, like we ought to do

with everything else: the question is to

understand reality in order to elucidate the objective law

governing it and by grasping this law, to be

capable of transforming reality in order to serve the

proletariat and the peoples of the world. Here it is

appropriate to make a note - This is not a final offensive.

We must differentiate correctly. It is a general

counter-revolutionary offensive. In general terms, one

speaks of a final offensive when dealing with the

last stage of the strategic offensive of the revolution.

Politically and militarily speaking, this offensive

undergoes three moments or stages - of course, with

politics being the principal aspect and always leading

the military one - the strategic defensive, the strategic

equilibrium and the strategic offensive. Our

standpoint is that we find ourselves at the stage of the

strategic offensive of the world

revolution. However, we do not hold that we are in the

final offensive. Besides, we consider that the

strategic offensive of the world revolution develops

within a protracted process, not within a short one,

and moreover, in the midst of great zigzag movements

and even retreats. Therefore, what we now are

dealing with is not an issue of the revolution but of the

counter-revolution. We are dealing with a general

counter-revolutionary offensive aimed at averting the

development of the world proletarian revolution.

Another question: Regardless of all their cannon and

hellfire and the unleashing of their heaviest

economic blows, their mud-slinging and wild attacks, as

always without a valid argument, they are

doomed, they are already defeated. If we are conscious

that in revolutions there are restorations and even

regressions, we should not be surprised at the existence

of a general counter-revolutionary offensive.

Moreover, we must correctly characterise it in order to

handle and defeat it. The attacks upon Marxism

have always been a prelude for its further development

and advance. Let us remember our thesis of 1979:,

as far as we know today, fifteen thousand million years of

the process of matter in movement lead towards

the inexorable march of communism. This is the reality

so let us grasp this law well and carry it forward.

Our aim, communism, is not an idea outside the material

process. It is a part of it, it originates from this

process and constitutes its perspective. There is no other

class with the historical perspective of the

proletariat. The bourgeoisie was once a revolutionary

class but it has already become historically obsolete

and it is wildly clawing and hissing as wounded beasts

do. This rabid behaviour is the price of its

destruction. It feels itself sinking, it knows itself to be

unburied carrion, but although its grave is already

open and waiting, it resists its burial at the hands of the

proletariat. This last monster engendered by the

bourgeoisie, imperialism, the oppressor of the world's

people, must be swept off the face of the earth

together with revisionism and world reaction. Our role,

the role of the proletariat and the people, is to

bury it. It is the necessary task in our historical

perspective. We must always have this absolute

conviction - we shall smash the bourgeoisie and bury

imperialism! - imperialism and all its partners and

running dogs. Regarding the political situation at the

national level this first part of the document deals

with the so-called legitimisation;. This is a thesis of

US imperialism, a tenet of their low intensity

warfare, of their counter-insurgency war. In several

Party events since our Congress we have dealt with

its meaning. This is something of interest for us and

therefore we ask ourselves this question: how is it

going at the present moment? There is no such

legitimisation. Besides the character of elections in Peru

as a reactionary farce, the votes harvested by Fujimori do

not give him any legitimacy. On the contrary,

given that the percentage of non-voters (27%) was higher

than the percentage who voted (24.6%) for

Cambio 90 in the first round and very far from the

50% 1 needed to assume the presidency in

accordance with their own constitution. In the second

round and with the support of the Apra, the United

Left and Socialist Left, he only achieved a simple

majority (not 50% 1 of all registered voters).

Moreover, because of his deeds against the people and

because of the character of the regime over which

he presides, Fujimori appears even less legitimate. He is

a representative of the big bourgeoisie,

principally the comprador bourgeoisie and of all the

landowners, as well as being the most servile pro-US

imperialist ruler up to date, the most rabid enemy of the

People's War. In synthesis, a genocide and a

Quisling. Therefore, the process of his de-

legitimisation;, his utter unmasking, develops


The people feel that there is no right or reason for so

much evil, for so much oppression and the People's

War helps along this process. The systematic violation of

their human rights, the genocidal policies that Fujimori

follows in the footsteps of Belaznde and Garcma - can this

be denied in reality? The people feel these policies, they

are forced to endure them. The reappearance of mass

graves, the slaughter of the sons and daughters of the

people, the vile murder, with absolute impunity, of

the fighters and their families, the war without prisoners

- can they hide it from the people who suffer it?.

Can they hide the heinous crimes against the families

and the masses who were marching peacefully,

armed solely with their flags and slogans, in the squares

and streets of Lima and the shanty-towns to

commemorate the fifth anniversary of the Day of

Heroism. Can they conceal the massacre at San Gabriel

and the subsequent congratulations of Fujimori to the

assassins? The protest against the assassination of a

University student and two humble children for the sole

crime of wearing rucksacks, can that be

overlooked in silence that the murderers may be again

protected? The genocide of indigenous

communities, the transformation of peasant

communities into cannon-fodder for the genocidal

armed forces, the carte blanche given to the ronderos;

to commit all sorts of crimes, can that legitimise

Fujimori's government? The most brutal cut in salaries,

the most infamous neglect of education and the

people's health (being recognised as the government of

cholera), the most systematic negation of the

rights and benefits achieved by the proletariat and the

people, the ceaseless and growing repression of the

masses, the introduction of land-mortgages, usury and

the new concentration of landownership in order to

expropriate the poor peasantry, the hunger of millions

thrown into the most stark poverty, the deep

recession of the Peruvian economy which reduces the

income of the masses to what it was decades ago,

the destruction of national production and the greatest

jumble sale of the country resources to the

imperialists, etc., etc,. Can all this make Fujimori's

regime legitimate?. No, it has served only to utterly

unmask it in less than a year. In synthesis, in the study of

the first part of the document, note: 1) The

sinister counter-revolutionary offensive in general, and 2)

The growing lack of legitimacy; and the

unmasking of Fujimori's government and of the rotten

Peruvian state.In the second part - THE


DICTIONS MOUNT UP - one would have to

centre attention in the process of bureaucratic capitalism.

Bureaucratic capitalism is a thesis of our Party.

It is the specific modality, the form which capitalism

assumes here, in the semi-feudal, semi-colonial

backward countries such as ours. This process is related

to the fact that the history of Peruvian society

achieves an embryonic development of capitalism in the

eighteenth century, that while being subjected to

British imperialism it underwent a surge in the middle of

the last century, and that it suffered the

consequences of the war with Chile. From 1895

bureaucratic capitalism underwent three stages or

moments, a process which still continues: 1st.) From

1895 until 1945 with its axis in the decade of the

20s. This is the moment of DEVELOPMENT OF


to 1980, with its axis in the decade from 1968 to 1978

(1968 - saw the fascist corporative coup d'etat of

Velasco). This is the moment of DEEPENING OF


established that the fascist coup d'etat had 3 aims: first,

the deepening of bureaucratic capitalism, second,

the restructuring of Peruvian society, and third, to avert

the Peruvian revolution. It is obvious that they

could not quite crown their objectives. They laid down

the basis, but their task was not accomplished.

The best and most overwhelming proof of this is the

beginning in 1980 of the armed struggle. Therefore,

the third moment begins in 1980, and it is the stage of


CAPITALISM. This is the stage that we are going

through today. Bureaucratic capitalism is born ailing

and in a critical condition and today it is in general

crisis, approaching its doom. But if one notes the process

of each moment of its development, in synthesis, there

are in turn stages.

For example in its first moment there is a prologue

expressed in a preparatory stage, and then during the

decade of the 20s, another stage when foundations are

laid for the development of bureaucratic capitalism.

Then comes a process of collapse, the intended

development is not achieved, a crisis arises, and this

crisis leads to further collapse. Historical facts show this

to be the case. In the third moment, the moment of

the deepening of bureaucratic capitalism, we also have a

prologue or preparatory stage, then the laying

down of foundations and finally the arrival of the crisis

which led to a greater collapse than the one which

occurred at the end of the previous moment. From 1980

onwards, we are in the third moment, the

moment of the destruction of bureaucratic capitalism.

We have also experienced that prologue, a long

and complicated preparation of conditions which leads us

into the decade of the 90s. Today they are

laying the foundations for the application of neo-

liberalism. They blabber about making a revolution;,

but just as in the two former historical moments of

bureaucratic capitalism, in this third moment the

laying down of foundations will necessary lead them to

another crisis which in turn will generate an even

greater collapse. In order to differentiate the second from

the third historical moment, let us here point

out that the former relied on the state as the main

economic lever, while today they are aiming to enshrine

non-state activity as the principal lever. It is true that

history shows that the laying down of foundations

produces some results, but it also shows that it generates

a deeper crisis. Therefore everything today

demonstrates that in the third historical moment

bureaucratic capitalism is in general crisis, ideologically,

politically and economically. The current critical

situation has deepened since 1974 and they have been

unable to overcome the crisis. Politically, the state has

become more corrupt: the president rules by decree

abusing the powers granted by Article 211, Paragraph 20

of their Constitution. Parliament does not

comply with legislating, its primary function, and the

judicial power, which is ridiculed even by Fujimori

and has no budget, is every day more subjected to the

executive power. Besides, the laws, among which we

have the recent Penal Code, introduce fascist regulations.

Daily more signs of fascism appear and there

are more fascist standpoints espoused in the ideological

plane. Like their imperialist masters, weighed

down by their ideology which becomes more rotten

everyday and lacking in perspective, they have no

other choice but to raise banners from the eighteenth and

early nineteenth century - such as liberalism. If,

on the other hand, these banners were already dirty rags

by the time of World War I, as has already been

demonstrated, then socialism really does represents the

future. Meanwhile, capitalism is a corpse, and

like so many corpses, needs to be buried. Therefore, they

are sinking deeper and deeper in their general

crisis, ideologically politically and economically, and

every day they are more and more being demolished

by the people's war. This government is in a situation that

grows more difficult by the day, the most

critical situation which Peruvian society has ever

undergone and they will be unable to handle it. Any

measures they may adopt cannot result in anything other

than a transient respite and in general

bankruptcy. The principal instrument of their demolition

is the people's war based on the class struggle

of the masses. It is important to note the three historical

moments of bureaucratic capitalism and their

specific character, especially the character of the third.

In this fashion we will understand why the three

political tasks of Peruvian reaction and its masters,

principally US imperialism (to refurbish bureaucratic

capitalism, to restructure the state and to smash the

people's war), cannot and will not be accomplished.

Their accomplishment is an historical and political

impossibility. Even the reactionaries themselves are

saying, here in the country and abroad, that Fujimori's

government is not accomplishing a thing, that

it instead goes from failure to failure. This is only a part

of the truth since their difficulties are

not only growing but are, of necessity, the embodiment of

the bureaucratic road of the exploiters, the big

bourgeoisie, the land-owners and imperialism. This

process is the embodiment of a law, a law which

establishes that in its development bureaucratic

capitalism serves the development and maturing of the

revolution and that the revolution, with the development

of the people's war, accelerates and grows more

powerful, therefore bringing even nearer the goal of the

seizure of power in the whole country. In this

second part of the document, we must also consider the

complementary local elections. Around this

process an old song is been sung, venal penpushers are

already prattling, but they can only fail by denying

reality. Today, it is not only a question of the armed

forces being the Grand Electors, it is a question of

direct appointment of (local) authorities by the same

armed forces. They will continue to act in

accordance to the policies as laid down in their

Cangallo; document. The truth is already emerging.

Yesterday they prattled about supposed democratic

victories but today they recognise that more than 400

districts are without local authorities. Such is their

democracy. On the other hand they are incapable of

protecting their candidates, as in the case of those of the

United Left in Ayacucho, and in Junin, where

they have presented the ringleaders of the army

controlled militia (ronderos) as candidates. Therefore, as

is the case with these rotten systems, the elections are

only an instrument for the continuation of the

exploitation and the oppression of the people. That is

why the tactic of the boycott sponsored by the Party

is good. It develops the people's trend against elections

and serves the development of the people's war. In

the third part of the document - THE BOYCOTT



THE PEOPLE'S WAR, we must focus upon the

advances made to debunk the accusations made against

us in 1989 and to stress the accords of the 2nd

Plenary Session of the Central Committee: That in 1990,

the People's War gave us the great achievement

of the Open People's Committees, and that in 1991 it

gave us the Strategic Equilibrium. Saluting the

Strategic Equilibrium! That simple phrase has been

sufficient to make the reactionaries and revisionists

tremble and gnash their teeth. Most of them have yelled

blue murder and raised a big scandal, they have

even set up ridiculous and bloody operations against us,

massacring the masses, like they always do, in

order to show; that there is no such equilibrium. Why?

Because they are frightened since they perceive

that their old order is going to perish and be buried. The

words of the Party have never been proven

wrong by reality. Everything we have proclaimed we

have applied: We said we would start the armed

struggle and we did with ILA 80. Today we are entering

the stage of the seizure of power in the whole

country. We say that there is strategic equilibrium, and

we specify its character. Let us point this out

more clearly than ever: Strategic Equilibrium and

preparation of the Counter-offensive means the enemy

striving to recapture their lost positions in order to

buttress their system and us striving to put the

finishing touches for the strategic offensive by means of

the Plan for the Building-up to the Seizure of

Power;. Let us understand this clearly in order to handle

it better every time. We think that this is a task

we must deal with thoroughly in order to appreciate not

merely what Chairman Mao teaches us in this

respect, but to identify the specific way in which this

manifests itself here in our country. Also, let us

highlight how the entire process of 11 years of People's

War has brought us the 3rd Campaign for

Forwarding the Development of Bases of Support as a

part of the Great Plan for Development of Bases

with the Perspective of Building-up for the Seizure of

Power. The importance of this process is rooted in

the fact that it crowns the Plan for Forwarding and is

therefore a link for a new Plan. In synthesis, the

accomplishment of this 3rd Campaign in May, June and

July is something superb. Never before had the People's

War reached so deeply nor raised its quality so

highly, principally in the countryside as well as in the

cities as a complement. Everyone of us must feel a

deep satisfaction for having served wholeheartedly for

such a transcendental task regardless of the level of

our participation. A few bricks joined together with

others can make a solid wall. Let the traitors deny

this victory. If they do so it is only because of their class

interest and because they are paid to deny it, no

matter how ill-paid they may be by Peruvian reaction and

by imperialism. We are conscious of the truth

of the reality in which we live. That is why we are able to

see how in the Party, in the Peoples' Guerilla

Army, in the New Power and in the masses, the

achievements of this epic People's War are so much in

evidence. Are there any signs of the echoes of this

process of People's War? Yes. For example, for the

first time the US Senate has now debated the People's

War in Peru. Therefore this process is

reverberating in the very lair of world reaction. This is

not the main sign but it is an important one. In

this world there are some people who build castles in the

air, for example, a traitor and genocide like

Fujimori, hangmen such as the Minister of the Interior

General Malca, the Minister of Defense General

Torres-Aciego, dyed-in-the-wool pro-Yankees such as C.

Boloqa Behr, the Minister of Economy, or

reptiles and arrivistes such as Bernales, Tapia, Gonzales,

etc. Individuals who, as thorough flunkies of

imperialism and the ruling classes, dream of vanquishing

the People's War by using its great advances in

order to beg the help; of imperialism, principally US

imperialism, and to defend their ultra-reactionary

Peruvian state by obtaining from them their so-called

re-admission; into the world economy. In the

USA, the opening moves for next years elections are

taking place. Bush is going after re-election. He has

achieved a paltry success in the Middle East. That is

sufficient for them although everybody knows well

that he did not achieve his aims. We say this because a

vile and bullying onslaught against a people can

never be considered as an achievement, especially today

when every struggle of the world's peoples for

their liberation is a component part of the world

revolution (we are conscious of the class limitations of

Saddam Hussein). Nevertheless, such is what constitutes

success; for Yankee imperialism. Moreover,

though they undertook that war in the Gulf in order to

give impetus to their economy it has not resulted in

the new economic impulse they expected and their

economy continues to experience serious problems vis-

a-vis the economies of other imperialist powers, although

this fact does not imply that they have ceased to

be an imperialist super-power. Furthermore, Bush

undertook to fight a battle against drugs and in that

field he is also having to confront his own people. This

is because, just as in the case of the handling of

his economic problems, where he raises taxes and

reduces expenditure on social programmes and clashes

with the US people, in this field he also has to confront

the poorest and most exploited sections,

particularly the oppressed minorities. Hence he does not

obtain any results on that account. Moreover,

this struggle against drugs is closely linked with the fight

against the people's war in Peru and to the class

struggle in the Andean region and therefore it has its

repercussions in US political life. Therefore, we

must grasp the fact that this affair would not end in

September 1991. We refer here to the hold placed

upon the so-called US aid;. An affair in which, in

order to receive such aid;, the Peruvian

government has to comply with the anti-drugs; treaty, a

treaty stipulating in one of its parts, the need for

respecting what they call human rights;, rights which

are systematically violated by that same

government. The people's war in Peru is therefore a tool

for use in the US's electoral struggle, but the

factor which interests us is that it has repercussions in

their own Congress. Besides, all this is a

contributing factor to the struggle of our comrades of the

revolutionary communist party and

of the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement with

whom, because of this fact, we are more united in

waging a common campaign against imperialism,

principally against Yankee imperialism, under the

slogan of Yankees Go Home!;. This is another example

of the achievements and the echoes of the 3rd

Campaign.In the Fourth section of the Document - NO


WAR, a section which is the most important one, we set-

out our criterium for evaluating Marxism today.

We analyzed the fundamental thesis of Marxism-

Leninism-Maoism, principally Maoism, in four different

fields. This constitutes a reaffirmation of our principles

and even contains a description in ascending

order of importance of our outlook taken as a unity. The

document gives a lesser part to Marx, a larger

part to Lenin and another very much larger to Chairman

Mao. This also demonstrates the development of

Maoism as a new, third and superior stage. Let us a take

as a first concept, one which is most apposite

today: Upholding, defending and applying Marxism-

Leninism-Maoism is the decisive factor in order to

develop the world proletarian revolution, to demolish

imperialism and international reaction and to smash

revisionism. This is the gist of the matter. In the 60s it

was held that Maoism was the most powerful

weapon, that it was our atomic bomb, a peerless weapon.

Today we must become even more aware of the

historical significance of Marxism. We must become

even more conscious of its invincible character -that

Marxism is all-powerful because is true. This is the

decisive factor. Everything else depends on this

factor, everything has its starting point here. If we

deviate from Maoism the revolution would be delayed

even though our enemies would not succeed in averting it

since Marxism-Leninism-Maoism will assert

itself anew to lead the revolution. We need principally

Maoism and we need to raise its banner very high,

even higher each time round. This necessitates

defending Maoism because it is not enough to uphold it.

We raise flags in order to defend them, but the main

thing is to apply Maoism. Why uphold, defend and

apply Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, principally Maoism?

In order to develop the world proletarian

revolution. The main trend in the world is revolution.

There is no future for mankind without the

complete and total victory of the revolution realised as

communism. Therefore the issue is to develop the

world revolution. To develop the world revolution can

only mean applying it, realising it in practice.

What has been said here today is a profound truth - how

many we are is not the fundamental thing. The

important question is if we want to carry it out or not.

Yesterday, in 1848, Marx and Engels were but two

people, today, 143 years later, we are millions throughout

the world. Yesterday we had nothing. Today

we have two great historical experiences rich in lessons,

experiences which are present, which are alive in

us, in the proletariat and in the peoples. We must insist

that the fact that there have been two restorations

does not deny the fact that the revolution is the main

trend. To deny this fact is a dark pipe dream of

reactionaries because the world proletarian revolution

continues to advance and we are a part of that

advance. It is undeniable that the world proletarian

revolution will demand the cost of bloodshed, but

what does not demand the cost of blood in this world?

We ourselves would not be here without the lives

sacrificed by so many communists and revolutionaries

throughout the world. We also need Maoism in

order to demolish imperialism and international reaction

and to sweep them off the face of the earth. The

more slime they throw at us, the more they themselves

will drown in their own quagmire and bury

themselves even deeper while we will be their historical

grave diggers. This great social cleansing is

something inevitable. We need Maoism in order to smash

revisionism. Imperialism and revisionism will

together end on the garbage heap, but it is not possible to

fight against imperialism without fighting

against revisionism. With total conviction and without the

slightest doubt to worry us, let alone hamper us,

we reaffirm for ourselves Maoism's decisive importance.

The communists, the working class, the revolutionary

people, are optimists. Nothing can stop us. And all this

leads us to : Defeating the counter-revolutionary general

offensive. This slogan must become our watchword. A

second concept is the placing of emphasis on

a task we have agreed upon: To generate favourable

public opinion and to launch deep ideological work

among the masses. Let's implement this task with great

speed and firm decision. Marxism has taught us

how to make propaganda work. The words of Marx have

borne powerful fruit in the whole world, read in

nearly every language. Lenin taught us that the time that

elapses between sowing and reaping in

propaganda work is unimportant and that propaganda

always gives magnificent fruit. Chairman Mao

pointed out that both reaction and revolution need to

generate favourable public opinion. The

reactionaries need to generate public opinion against the

revolution and in favour of their continued

exploitation. We need to generate favourable public

opinion in order to seize power and to defend it with

revolutionary violence. Without the winning of public

opinion for the revolution there can be no seizure

of power. We have a great ideology, Marxism-Leninism-

Maoism, principally Maoism, the most powerful

weapon in today's world, and we have its creative

application, Gonzalo Thought. Therefore let us arm

minds, and each time do it better and more thoroughly.

If one wins over the mind one is arming the hand.

It is not accidental that our Party is characterised by its

strength in the political sphere, and politics is

nothing more than the concrete application of ideology in

the struggle for the seizure of power.

Our ideology is being attacked today by

everybody and in every aspect and these attacks are

bound to grow stronger. But our enemies are afraid of

facing us as they can't debate ideologically against

Marxism. The bourgeoisie's critique does not go beyond

wild assertions and epithets without the slightest

foundation, and this is simply because it doesn't have

any. What arguments are they trotting out to

confront Marxism-Leninism-Maoism with? The new

ideologues of the bourgeoisie are but candle flames

in the wind. For example, let's take Fukuyama, who

appeared on the scene as a bright light. He shone for

a brief moment and has already faded from view like the

smoke of a cheap cigar. Fukuyama denied

historical development by claiming that all ideologies,

specially the ideology of the proletariat, had

become obsolete. Nevertheless, Fukuyama excluded the

ideology of the bourgeoisie from this fate, basing

himself in a supposed final victory and purported eternity

of imperialism as an economic and political

system. But, spurred on by the class struggle, history

and ideologies continue to do battle and it has been

the job of history itself to evaporate his pipe dreams. The

class ideologies continue to fight, be it in the

guise of islamic fundamentalists with its religious

outlook or as neo-liberals, neo-positivist and fascists as

the expression of bourgeois ideology on the one hand,

and fundamentally us, the communists, with our

scientific ideology Marxism-Leninism-Maoism on the

other, as we are doing here with the People's War

in Peru which is led by the Communist Party. Once

again, as is always the case, the wind promptly blows

away the pseudo-theoretical dreams and rantings of the

bourgeoisie. Lately, they have returned to Joseph

de Maistre and that is truly a ridiculous situation in

which to find themselves. Even Uslar Pietri, a man

decorated by the King of Spain, has recounted how de

Maistre was the enemy of all progressives. How

could it had been otherwise since he was a dyed-in-the-

wool supporter of the Pope and the reactionary and

obscurantist church! Therefore the bourgeoisie is taking

cover behind the most ultra-reactionary of their

theoreticians;. But this process is nothing but the

further reinfection of a rotten carcass and it is obvious

that the bourgeoisie and reaction in general lack any

fresh blood to reinvigorate their ideological corpse.

They merely have recourse to poisonous substances

which can only hasten their ideological putrefaction.

And now, how should we respond to their ideological

attacks? We must unmask

them thoroughly, dispossess them of their false and

stinking flags, confront them with Marxism-

Leninism-Maoism, principally Maoism, applied to the

concrete reality. Marxism is the only true scientific

ideology. It can move mountains and transform the

world by standing it upright and not on its head, as

does idealism. Marx held that philosophy had been

enchained, expropriated from the masses and

bogged down in dusty webs of complicated words in

order to hide it from the people. We must free

philosophy and deliver it back to the masses. We must

use our own ideology in order to powerfully

mobilise the masses: the generation of favourable public

opinion is a question of mobilising the masses in

order for the masses themselves to become propagandists

and agitators. Let us develop a massive

movement to educate the masses in Marxism-Leninism-

Maoism, principally Maoism, and Gonzalo

Thought. Since the time of Marx we have been taught

this need and the Great Proletarian Cultural

Revolution is the most vivid and greatest example of

mobilising the masses with Marxist-Leninist-Maoist

ideology in order to continue the construction of

socialism under the dictatorship of the proletariat, in

order to continue the revolution and to impede the

usurpation of its fruits, thus defending the revolution.

Therefore, let us mobilise the masses in a deep and

boundless theoretical and ideological movement of

Marxist-Leninist-Maoist Gonzalo Thought ideas. Let us

free them from that feudal, pro-imperialist

bourgeois pile of garbage which makes them see the

world upside down, standing on its head. Let us free

philosophy from the bookshelves, from the voluminous

tomes, from the false academic centres and carry it

to the masses, to the day-to-day class struggle, to the

people. The soul has been taken from the masses,

therefore our task is to restore it to them so that they

would not let themselves be fooled any longer.

Philosophy and science are not for the erudite but for the

masses. Today the masses are more and more

imbued with dialectics, but they must become conscious

of this fact. They must consciously apply the

laws of dialectics. They must use the contradiction with

full knowledge of its implications. They must

apply dialectics in the management of nature, of society,

of ideas. The masses are capable of doing this

because the masses are the makers of history, the creators

of everything. Moreover, we must not forget

that practice is the source of knowledge, that humanity is

fundamentally an agent of change and that

humanity, in its daily social practice, implements

transformations and in the midst of them, learns and

acquires knowledge. We must not forget that this

knowledge acquired in practice is again returned to

practice and in this process generates changes,

developments, advances and transformations and,

since everything bears a class imprint, humanity's

practice, its knowledge and its transformations will

also bear a class imprint, that is to say, knowledge and

transformations in favour of or against the

proletariat and the people. Practice is the source of

knowledge, it is the transforming historical action of

the masses of humanity. The masses, by means of their

social practice within a concrete historical

moment, equip their minds with the ideas which

correspond to that concrete historical moment and

therefore arm their hands in order to accomplish the

tasks prescribed by history. Studying is also an

indispensable complement of the process. Humanity is

action within and in relation to a class and

therefore it generates ideas. This constitutes ideology.

Humanity's organised action is social

transformation, advancement for the majorities. Engels

teaches us to hammer home ideas with actions

and this is a method which we have been applying in the

Party since the 70s. We should persist in

this. Moreover, how should we arm the masses with the

ideology and practice of Marxism-Leninism-

Maoism Gonzalo Thought? The masses, taking into

account the level of popularisation and the elevation

to new levels of knowledge, equip themselves

ideologically from the standpoint of their concrete

problems in the three fields: ideological, political and

economic. Let us take-up the lessons of the Rectification

Campaign of the First Plenary Session of the Central

Committee and, taking into account the popularisation

and the elevation of level, distinguish between leaders

and cadres on the one hand and ordinary members on the

other, differentiate the Party's organisations: the Party

which has a concrete membership, the People's

Guerilla Army and its generated organisms. Also, let's

differentiate between the mass

organisations fighting alongside us. Let us take into

account that, among other advantages,

reaction has many means of information at its disposal,

including a whole system of advanced media,

newspapers, magazines, radios, television, etc. We do

not have these means, but we can count on one

resource which is incomparably more powerful - that the

masses are the makers of history. Knowledge is

generated by practice and practice is the product of the

masses. We have held that the masses must be

turned into propagandists and agitators, that the masses

must themselves fight and resist and that all these

tasks they know how to carry out. They have always

done it and therefore it would not be anything

extraordinary for them to do it now. Which system shall

we apply? From mouth to ear. The first

instrument we have is the spoken word. This is a means

which allows us to reach the deepest and

profoundest layers of the masses. It allows us a more

flexible approach since we can adapt the spoken

word to the concrete conditions of the audience, be it an

audience of peasants, workers, students,

intellectuals, soldiers, businessmen, etc.. This is a more

flexible, more tactical method, always of course

within a general strategy. Let us also employ the written

word. We do not only fight with swords but also

fight with pens. Let us use a clear and simple language.

Let us use graphics. These are very good, for

example for the illiterate peasantry. Let us use all

modern means that we can get our hands on, without

forgetting that from among all these means, the main one

is the spoken word, since is the one which is

most directly within the reach of the masses of the

people. Let us recapitulate, we serve the masses, we

handle the word and it doesn't cost us a penny, therefore

we have the tactical capacity. For example, let

us promote the expression of complaints against

oppression. For that the only thing that is needed is a

group of people who would recount their experiences of

growing oppression and exploitation. If one

person begins another follows and everyone will feel the

strength of their own capacity to explode in

anger. This spurs the people and moves them to action

against the sources of exploitation and against the

oppressors. It promotes the expression of complaints in

many different groups and places. The word of

one person joins the word of others and acquires the force

of a hurricane. One person alone is weak, but

together people constitute a great force. Another form of

written mass propaganda are the dazibaos.

Chairman Mao taught that these were instruments of

democracy and that to use them the masses didn't

even need paper, they can use the walls, plaster, charcoal,

paint if available. Write large characters,

simple slogans that say what is wanted, what forms of

struggle to apply, which are the positive

experiences, which are the negative ones, that the masses

judge their own leaders. In this way the

democracy of the masses expresses itself, a democracy

totally opposed to the trumpeted bourgeois

democracy which is actually not for the people but for

those who rule and exploit them. The power of the

thinking and acting masses is inexhaustible. They

contribute in every field - political, military, economic,

artistic, scientific. Let us develop People's Democracy

more and more again every time. Let the masses

debate the plans and judge their implementation as it is

done in the People's Guerilla Army. In this way a

higher understanding, a greater unity and a more

powerful action is achieved. Let the masses, also by

means of democracy, give vent to their capacity as

agitators and propagandists. But a great and massive

ideological movement needs the Party as the leading

force, because the Party is the most conscious part of

such a movement since it knows, handles and applies the

ideology, Marxism-Leninism-Maoism Gonzalo Thought,

the laws which guide the revolution and its politics, that

is, the laws of the class struggle for the seizure of

power and the People's War as the principal form of

struggle. Without the Party the masses would be

unable even to equip themselves with a plan. We know

that a plan is an ideology, and the Party's plan is

a Marxist-Leninist-Maoist Gonzalo Thought plan. Once

the Plan is made the Party must mobilise diverse

organic apparatuses, because a policy cannot be carried

out without an organic form which can embody it,

be it the party apparatuses, the army, the generated

organisms, the organs of power or the organisms

generated by the deep and profound masses. Then the

masses would be able to realise that great

ideological mobilisation to uphold, defend and apply

Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, principally Maoism, as

a universal truth and Gonzalo Thought as specifically

principal for us, in its character as a creative

application to our reality. And then let the armed actions

hammer home those ideas. Thus only the

Communist Party can lead this great process of mass

propaganda and agitation. Chairman Mao taught us:

While masses and Party exist, all kinds of miracles can

be accomplished;.


Here today we are implementing the dispositions of the

2nd Plenary Session of the Central

Committee. Our duty was to carry out the Rectification

Campaign, and the duty of the membership, the

militants, combatants, activists or masses, was to put all

this into practice. We are now about to crown

this task and therefore we had to study individually and

collectively the document No to elections! Yes to

the People's War!; and we had to debate it and apply it.

From what has been said before we can see the

objections to the contributions presented. The main

problem is how to apply the study of the

document to today's political situation. We communists

learn to study in order to apply, otherwise we

would be merely intellectuals and would not be using

Marxism to resolve burning questions. Studying in

the abstract is something metaphysical, idealistic,

bourgeois. We are not pragmatists either. We don't

study simply with a utilitarian purpose such as the

imperialists or vulgar mechanical thinkers. We study

theory in order to apply it in practice and to transform a

given reality, in order to change the world for the

benefit of the working class and the people. Therefore

this is a problem of application and it could be

dealt with on three different levels:1) On the world

proletarian revolution. On this topic the question is

straight forward and the document outlines for us the

burning problems of today's Marxism:

Revolutionary violence, class struggle,

socialism, proletarian dictatorship and struggle against


Of these four, socialism and the dictatorship of the

proletariat are principal. On this question the issue is

Maoism as a new, third and higher stage, Marxism-

Leninism-Maoism principally Maoism, because with

such an ideology we shall assault the heavens;. In this

lies the value of the document, a document which

reaffirms Marxism and holds that to be a Marxist today

means to be a Marxist-Leninist-Maoist, principally

a Maoist. The document shows a clear understanding on

the question of Maoism as a new, third and

higher stage with universal validity, for the communists,

for the proletariat and for the peoples of the

whole world. That is its decisive point. Therefore our

standpoint is rooted in Maoism and, as the

Congress has pointed in one of its historic resolutions,

the principal contribution of Gonzalo Thought is to

have developed the definition of Maoism as a new, third

and higher stage of Marxism.2) On the

Peruvian Revolution. Here the main issue is that the do

-cument serves for the construction of the New

State being implemented by means of the People's War,

through the People's Guerilla Army and under

the direction of the Communist Party, while basing it on

the masses which constitute the people. In the

document we can find very valuable points which we

must apply today in the New State.3) On the

question of how to apply the document to each one of us:

Each one of us is duty bound to grasp and

embody the document in order to better serve the

revolution. Under this topic, the direct concerns of those

present here, are the questions of art and the

questions of the role of intellectuals, and the answer is to

always put politics in command. Every study of

Marxism shakes up people and the contradiction

between the two world outlooks comes to the fore.

Marxism gives hammer blows to the non-proletarian

outlook and fuels the ideological forge. As in every

task, three stages, each with its own contradiction,

present themselves. At the beginning arises the

contradiction between starting the study and not starting

it. Starting-up already constitutes a 50%


Later, during the stage of development, the contradiction

between carrying it through

and leaving it half-baked arises. That represents another

struggle and, in our case here, the question of

leaving this task for another did actually arise. That

issue even became a heavy burden for some people

and that was a bad thing as it meant permitting the old,

the bourgeois attitude, to take charge. We held

discussions and as a result we agreed to cap this task as a

priority or shock-task. This is a very useful

method, a component part of the Marxist-Leninist-Maoist

Gonzalo Thought style of work. It consists of

concentrating all our energies in accomplishing the

unfinished task, stretching our time until the task is

completed, just as when we apply forced marching when

the enemy is hot on our heels. In this way we pass

the point of no return and do not let them catch up with

us. When studying it is something similar and we

do not allow the bourgeois outlook, which is present

contending inside our own minds, to defeat the

proletarian one. On the contrary, with this new ideology

which we represent, we defeat the idealist, the

bourgeois enemy which is alien to the working class

outlook. Therefore there arises the resistance which

the old ideas present and each one of us does battle

consciously and voluntarily inside our own minds until

we overcome such internal resistance. The old ideas say:

how are you to leave behind that which has

sustained you for so many years? The old ideas always

make us see rotten weeds as if they were beautiful

roses and thus the will is weakened. The shock-task

method helps to overcome such resistance. In the

third stage, at the crowning moment, there also arises a

contradiction for or against the completion of the

task and the struggle continues until there is a decision

for capping it and until the task is actually

clinched. Having completed the study already constitutes

a qualitative leap, and the shock-task method

has been a good instrument in contributing to the

culminating leap. You have accomplished the

Rectification task. This is nothing but a means of

developing the two-line struggle in order to adjust us to

the proletarian ideology. How much have we advanced?.

From lack of knowledge of what had been

outlined in the document to a study and a debate which

has enabled us to be equipped with the Marxist-

Leninist-Maoist Gonzalo Thought outlook about four

fundamental and burning problems of today's

Marxism. From the contributions that have been

expressed here we can conclude that the lessons learned

are being applied to today's issues. The task has been

accomplished and has generated a qualitative leap

and an adjustment to the four fundamental issues of

today's Marxism. Finally, it is good to emphasise that

the document constitutes a serious contribution to the

Marxist-Leninist-Maoist Gonzalo Thought counter-

offensive in the face of the converging counter-

revolutionary revisionist and imperialist offensives.

It also constitutes today a serious contribution for the

struggle against the counter-revolutionary general

offensive. Therefore in arming ourselves with the

teachings of the document we are serving the Peruvian

revolution and the world proletarian revolution. It is true

that there is no such thing as a completely

finished question since all knowledge, being in itself a

part of matter, is necessarily relative and needs

development. But this knowledge corresponds with

Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, principally with

Maoism and therein we find its value. Besides, it

corresponds with the outlook of Gonzalo Thought.




1. This meeting is very good, the work has been

advanced. Let's earnestly

undertake study while under war conditions. It is a

helpful tool for the better handling of the war.

Studying has prepared the conditions for a higher

qualitative leap which reflects itself in practice.

2. While summing up the first contributions we dealt

with the question of the contradiction between analysis

and synthesis while studying, noting that the first

contributions were focusing on analysis. But now, after

the subsequent contributions, synthesis has been achieved

in this very place and time and the gist of the

question has been grasped: to take sides in support of

Maoism. The qualitative leap which had

been prepared for became a reality. The limitations of

the study were the lack of sufficient synthesis, but

it did lay down the conditions for the qualitative leap.

If one is capable of grasping analysis and

synthesis studying becomes something more powerful

and thorough and therefore the essence is grasped

and the qualitative leap takes place.

3. Marxism has been grasped in four fundamental and

burning issues.

4. The study is undertaken in order to apply it to today's

class struggle. We seek means of

opening avenues to fight on the battleground of living

problems. One must bear in mind the prospects

and not merely remain with what is written in the


5. This meeting is helpful for the

maturing of certain problems which occur throughout the

whole Party. Therefore our actions here are

helpful to all other comrades in that they give us

experience. For example, the shock-task tactics as an

instrument for the completion of studying in the

Rectification Campaign is something very useful for the

whole Party.


task linked to the construction of the

New Power by means of the People's War and to the

prospect of the Seizure of Power in the whole

country. That is, of course, something necessary, but it

has to be linked to its specific application here,

which is to be artists and intellectuals. Therefore you must

guide yourselves by the watchword of serving

the people and following the lead of the Party;.


undergone a qualitative leap while practising an intense


There is now a higher understanding of what is

Marxism-Leninism-Maoism and of the need of

upholding, defending and applying it in order to totally

transform Peruvian society and to serve the world


8. If there is a qualitative leap, how should we

consolidate the new qualitative leap?. And,

how should we develop the new qualitative leap?. How to

consolidate and how to develop the qualitative

leap are two issues which relate to the question of serving

the Party better and more thoroughly, two issues

which relate to the question of serving better and more

thoroughly the revolution in Peru and the world

proletarian revolution, of serving the cause of the whole

of humanity's emancipation, to the question of

the march towards communism. We propose to continue

with Karl Marx; by V.I. Lenin in order to

further our ideological formation and with the Reports of

the 2nd Plenary Session of the Central

Committee in order to further our political formation. The

effort that has been displayed is very good. We

congratulate each and every one.


LONDON, April, 1992