Kosovo: Important place in communist history by MIM, printed in MIM Notes 184 15 April, 1999 In 1989 some Albanians proclaimed an Albanian Republic of Kosovo. Previously it had had the status of autonomous province under Serb rule in Yugoslavia. It turns out that Kosovo and Yugoslavia are very important to communist history. The revisionist constitution under Tito recognized so-called socialist republics for Bosnia-Herzegovina, Macedonia, Croatia, Slovenes and the Serbs. Of course, it was supposed to be illegal to disband Yugoslavia, a point that Serbia's president used as moral leverage to make war in Bosnia and other republics in the 1990s, especially with the use of Serbian minorities within those republics. In 1990, the old Tito-created structure more or less fell apart into its constituent parts. The new Yugoslavia of 1992 dropped its socialist label and consisted only of the republics of Serbia and Montenegro. The Serbs number 10.4 million and there are 700,000 people of Montenegrin ethnicity. There are more Albanians in Kosovo than Montenegrins in Yugoslavia. The new Yugoslavia of 1992 continued to hold the two autonomous provinces of the old Yugoslavia--Kosovo and Vojvodina. Hence, after the Serb war within the other republics--especially Bosnia--ended, Kosovo came to the fore. According to the Serbs, the Albanians are "johnny-come-latelys" to Kosovo, by which they refer to only the last 400 years of history. The Albanians claim there is no firm proof that they were not already the majority in Kosovo at the time of crucial Turkish victories conquering the area. Indeed, the Albanians have claimed to have roots as old as the Serbs'. The Albanians say their roots can be traced through the Illyrians. According to the Albanian communist later turned revisionist Enver Hoxha, the boundaries of Balkan countries were unimportant but majorities of population were. He said that the peoples of the area had long histories of moving around. By this reasoning, he felt that Kosovo should be part of Albania. With the collapse of the Soviet Union, the capitalist countries have rushed to learn their pre-World War I history and pick up from there. Hence, nothing under Soviet or Titoite rule is deemed legitimate. In 1914, only Serbia and Montenegro were actual republics of the republics that came to form Yugoslavia under Tito. Most of the rest was under the control of Austria-Hungary. The fading Ottoman empire and the Italians also had their hands in the mess. It was Serb nationalism that is recognized as the immediate cause of World War I. The assassination of Archduke Ferdinand of Austria by a Serbian triggered war and drew in larger powers obligated by secret treaties. Had there been no Serbian nationalism, the imperialists would have found another reason for a world war over colonies. In any case, the same problem we see today in Kosovo is the same problem that led to World War I and the creation of the first Soviet state. In 1913, the Serbian Republic gained the upper hand in the Balkan situation when the Ottoman Empire of Turkey suffered its final defeat and when it took on Bulgaria and won in the "Balkan Wars." At that time, Kosovo was removed from Albania. To make matters more complicated, the Italians invaded during World War II and the Germans insisted that Kosovo be returned to Albania. Thus, in 1941 under Nazi occupation, the Albanian people reunited. People in Kosovo freely travelled to Tirana. The Nazi action in Kosovo in 1941 created a major headache for the international communist movement. Hitler focussed his racial hatreds on the Slavic peoples and decided to give the Albanians a break relatively speaking. Thus even Enver Hoxha admits that the Kosovo Albanians were not fighting the fascist occupation. The Kosovo Albanians were afraid the Serbs would turn against them after the war. Tito did not appeal to the Kosovo Albanians on the basis of the Stalin line on the national question. All calls for the right to self-determination were crushed by the leadership of the Yugoslavian Communist Party. Some excuse for this can be seen in that Hitler sought to dismember the Yugoslavian state by inflaming national tensions. We must remember that at the time during World War II, none of the Yugoslavians, Russians or Albanians thought of their communist parties as other than "Stalinist." Supposedly they were united. It was only in 1948 that Tito openly broke with Stalin and led Yugoslavia on the "market socialist" road. When the COMINTERN dissolved in 1943, the Albanians and Yugoslavians were on their own on how to work out a coordinated strategy against the Nazi occupation. At this time, Enver Hoxha gradually gathered suspicions about his Yugoslav comrades. However, in the midst of World War II, Enver Hoxha first agreed to let the Yugoslavian Communist Party be the leadership of the struggle in Kosovo. He did not want to see the Yugoslavian Communist Party dismembered by the Nazi tactics. Hoxha reasoned since all the actors were Stalinists, after the war they could settle the national questions amicably. According to Hoxha, he soon found out that Tito in fact planned to take over Albania completely and not just in Kosovo. Hoxha says only determined struggle uprooted pro-Tito traitors in his party. Hoxha attempted to have his own armed forces organize in Kosovo to show the Yugoslavians it could be done, but the Yugoslavians rejected the efforts aimed at the Nazis. It appears that Serbian nationalism was the reason for this; although again, the context of fighting the Nazis created complications as did the fact that Tito himself was a Croat and could not be accused in a tokenist way. Nonetheless, for at least a year during World War I, the Yugoslavians would not talk with the Albanians about anything except Kosovo. Hence, after World War II, Kosovo did not go to Albania. Hoxha looked in on the situation with concern, but both his concerns and those of Stalin led to the first state-to-state split in the socialist movement--the Soviet camp versus revisionist Yugoslavia. As late as 1969, Hoxha still did not claim Kosovo for Albania and in public statements said it was an internal affair of Yugoslavia. Nonetheless, Hoxha found himself in a difficult spot, because after World War II, the Yugoslavians massacred many Kosovo Albanians in the name of fighting the pro-fascist traitors of the Ballist movement, of which there were some even according to Hoxha. Also, Hoxha outlived Tito. When Tito died in 1980, it appears that again pogroms against Kosovo Albanians occurred shortly thereafter. At about the same time as Tito's death, China cut off aid to Albania. Hence, Hoxha started rewriting his relationship to Mao Zedong. While Mao was alive, Hoxha respected him and signed communiques with him as fraternal communist brothers, but after Mao died and the revisionist Chinese regime cut-off aid, Hoxha started rewriting everything. One thing Hoxha didn't like was Mao's efforts to make friends amongst all Eastern European countries including Yugoslavia against the Soviet Union. With hopes fading for a "Stalinist" solution, Hoxha turned his efforts regarding Kosovo elsewhere. Hoxha died in 1985, but in the same year major works in English appeared justifying Albanian interests in Kosovo. Today, the Germans are again attacking the Serbs through NATO. This causes the Russian reflex action against NATO. At the same time, Serbian enemies now include the United $tates and England unlike in the last go-round of World War II. Perhaps for historical reasons of embarassment and over-exposure, the Italians have called for NATO to stop the bombings. Sources: 1. www.encyclopedia.com 2. Enver Hoxha, The Titoites (Tirana: 1982).