This is an archive of the former website of the Maoist Internationalist Movement, which was run by the now defunct Maoist Internationalist Party - Amerika. The MIM now consists of many independent cells, many of which have their own indendendent organs both online and off. MIM(Prisons) serves these documents as a service to and reference for the anti-imperialist movement worldwide.
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THE MAOIST INTERNATIONALIST MOVEMENT
MIM Notes No. 49 January 18, 1991
MIM Notes speaks to and from the viewpoint of the
world's oppressed majority, and against the
imperialist-patriarchy. Pick it up and wield it in
the service of the people. support it, struggle
with it and write for it.
IN THIS ISSUE:
1. U.S. BLASTS BAGHDAD
2. FEDS READY CONCENTRATION CAMPS
3. AVOID SPONTENAITY: IN THE FACE OF INTRA-IMPERIALIST WARS, THE
PROLETARIAT AND ITS ALLIES SHOULD TAKE UP REVOLUTIONARY
DEFEATISM. DON'T FIGHT FOR EITHER SIDE.
The Maoist Internationalist Movement (MIM) is a
revolutionary communist party that upholds
Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, comprising the collection
of existing or emerging Maoist internationalist
parties in the English-speaking imperialist
countries and their English-speaking internal
semi-colonies, as well as the existing or emerging
Spanish-speaking Maoist internationalist parties
of Aztlan, Puerto Rico and other territories of
the U.S. Empire. MIM Notes is the newspaper of
MIM. Notas Rojas is the newspaper of the Spanish-
speaking parties or emerging parties of MIM.
MIM is an internationalist organization that works
from the vantage point of the Third World
proletariat; thus, its members are not Amerikans,
but world citizens.
MIM struggles to end the oppression of all groups
over other groups: classes, genders, nations. MIM
knows this is only possible by building public
opinion to seize power through armed struggle.
Revolution is a reality for North America as the
military becomes over-extended in the government's
attempts to maintain world hegemony.
MIM differs from other communist parties on three
main questions: (1) MIM holds that after the
proletariat seizes power in socialist revolution,
the potential exists for capitalist restoration
under the leadership of a new bourgeoisie within
the communist party itself. In the case of the
USSR, the bourgeoisie seized power after the death
of Stalin in 1953; in China, it was after Mao's
death and the overthrow of the "Gang of Four" in
1976. (2) MIM upholds the Chinese Cultural
Revolution as the farthest advance of communism in
human history. (3) MIM believes the North American
white-working-class is primarily a non-
revolutionary worker-elite at this time; thus, it
is not the principal vehicle to advance Maoism in
MIM accepts people as members who agree on these
basic principles and accept democratic centralism,
the system of majority rule, on other questions of
"The theory of Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin is
universally applicable. We should regard it not as
dogma, but as a guide to action. Studying it is
not merely a matter of learning terms and phrases,
but of learning Marxism-Leninism as the science of
-- Mao Zedong, Selected Works, Vol. II, p. 208
* * *
U.S. BLASTS BAGHDAD
Jan. 17—At 12:50 a.m. in Saudi Arabia, the United States began the
largest imperialist venture since Vietnam: President George Bush
ordered U.S. planes to bomb Iraq. This is imperialist because the
United States has gone to war to maintain and extend its economic
power over Iraq, the oil reserves in the Persian Gulf and the
entire region. Victory in this war will increase Amerika’s
strength as the world’s most powerful nation.
MIM has predicted war between Iraq and the United States since
August. This is because war is a necessary condition to keep the
Amerikan empire intact. These inevitable wars provide this country
with cheap gas and raw material and cheap foreign labor to run its
parasitic economy. The U.S. government oversees the process in
which the Third World contributes to the good life in Amerika.
Bush makes no secret for calling the attack on Iraq part of a “new
world order.” In this phrase, the president is talking about U.S.
success in leading its massive army and an entire imperialist
bloc—including France, England, Canada, Belgium, Italy, New
Zealand and many other Western allies—into a war serving its own
U.S. seeks power, not liberation
Although the U.S. government makes much of the United Nations
resolutions (resolutions over which the United States had complete
veto power as a member of the security council), this war is not
for the liberation of Kuwait. Bush is claiming that “No nation
will be permitted to brutally assault its neighbor.”(1) But U.S.
imperialism—the empire building course of capitalism—has invaded
and manipulated many countries since Vietnam: Panama, Grenada, El
Salvador, Nicaragua, Chile, Guatemala, Mozambique, Liberia, and
Lebanon, just to name a few.
This war is to conquer Iraq and build U.S. power in the region and
in the world. Restoring the government of Kuwait, a U.S. ally, is
only a small part of that mission.
At a time when the Soviet Union—the world’s only other
superpower—is crumbling and in internal chaos, Bush is proud to
declare: “This is an historic moment. We have in this past year
made great progress in ending the long era of conflict and cold
war. We have before us the opportunity to forge for ourselves and
for future generations a new world order, a world where the rule
of law, not the law of the jungle, governs the conduct of
The end of the cold war in Europe meant the crumbling of the
Soviet imperialist bloc. This was a victory for the United States
as it meant Amerika’s main rival for world power was ill and U.S.
forces could now move on to new battles.
Bush constantly uses the rhetoric of peace. This is nothing more
than the double speak of a country which upholds capitalism—the
system which embraces war as one of its necessary components—as
the best of all possible worlds.
The demise of the bankrupt capitalist regimes in East Germany,
Poland, Romania and other countries was not a step for peace in
the capitalist world. These countries, like the Soviet Union,
espoused forms of social imperialism, that is socialism in words,
capitalism in deeds. When one imperialist falls apart—and its
capitalist allies swing to the other bloc—peace is not the result.
The U.S. government says that all possible options—sanctions and
diplomacy—were exhausted. This is a lie. The U.S. never intended
to find a peaceful solution as this would not increase the power
and assets of Amerikan imperialism. Only a military conquest could
gain Bush the new world order he wants and needs.
In the face of this imperialist conquest and peace rhetoric it is
naive to just call for peace as a sole demand. “Troops out now,”
“Make peace not war,” and “No blood for oil” are not sufficient
demands. They do not demonstrate the understanding that the
bourgeoisie—the ruling powers in Amerika—will not give power to
the people without a fight, a revolutionary war. Further, these
slogans do not explain that the United States takes superprofits
from the Third World to run its economy and its standard of
living. For this exploitation to stop, the United States must be
destroyed in a revolutionary war led by the Third World
proletariat and its allies.
In a time of imperialist war the Congress and many others who have
supposedly opposed war, now rally behind the president and the
Many mebers of Congress who voted against the authorization of
force given to Bush on Jan. 12 now support the war. David Boren,
D-Oklahoma, who voted against the resolution, had a typical
response: “Now that the war has begun, all Americans should united
behind our troops. We hope and pray that victory will come quickly
and with minimum loss of life. Congress must be prepared to vote
to provide our troops with anything they need to prevail.”(1)
Still, the United States is in the midst of a strong recession.
While many will rally behind the flag, the slumping economy and
high casualties will divide Amerika.
In this division, however, many social democrats will begin
blindly calling for peace. They will say that the United States
has no interest and no reason to go to war. They will say that the
Amerikan people have nothing to gain. Social democrats will
suggest that Amerika should just mind its own business and live in
peace with the world.
This is an impossible fantasy. Amerika profits through making war
and subjugating other countries.
The only way to stop this madness is to build a Maoist party and
wage revolutionary war. We say Maoist because Mao Zedong, who
liberated China in 1949 and was in power there until his death in
1976, moved communism to its highest level. There is not space
here to explain Chinese history or the people’s democracy that was
built there. To this end, MIM distributes Maoist and revolutionary
literature. Send $1 for the MIM Literature List to MIM Notes, P.O.
Box 3576, Ann Arbor, MI 48106-3576. Please send cash or check with
name section left blank.
Notes: New York Times 1/17/91, p. A6.
* * *
FEDS READY CONCENTRATION CAMPS
by MC44 & MC12
It is still legal and appropriate, according to the U.S.
government, to harass, interrogate and place under surveillance
any of its “citizens” who the bourgeoisie wants you to think
constitute a threat to national security. During World War II
these people were refered to as a fifth column, usually meaning
foreign nationals or immigrants who were thought to side with
Amerika’s opponents: Japan and Germany.
During World War II, this amounted to a massive
propaganda/hysteria campaign and the devastating internment
(imprisonment) of Japanese and Japanese Americans on the West
Coast. Of course, the pigs accidently rounded up other Asians as
well, all in the name of national security. Over 110,000 Japanese
Americans spent World War II in concentration camps.
Arabs and Arab Americans in this country are already the victims
of increased intimidation, violence and repression. The Federal
Bureau of Investigation (FBI) has confirmed that its agents have
been instructed to “interview” Arab civic and business leaders.(1)
The grim reality is that the Arab community has been under FBI
surveillance for a long time. Professor Nabeel Abraham of Henry
Ford Community College says this has been going on since the late
1960s.(2) The Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO), Amerika’s
favorite so-called terrorist group, was formed in 1964.
The interviews are supposedly to acquire information about
possible “terrorist” activity in the United States. When members
of the Arab-American Anti-Discrimination Committee (the largest
and one of the more moderate Arab American organizations) are
hunted down on the basis of their nationality, who are the real
terrorists and what do they gain from this?
The FBI is not out to stop terrorism. This is part of a crackdown
on political work and dissent. Amerika tolerates even less dissent
during wartime. The threat of terrorism (violence against
“innocent” Americans) makes it easier to sell the justification
that this is still so-called democracy.
Arabs in this country constitute a vibrant center of opposition to
this and other imperialist wars, and the need to silence them is
considered a priority. The Amerikan government is no doubt afraid
of the lines of communication between Arab American political
activists and the masses in the Arab world who oppose Amerika’s
imperialist expansion, despite the sell-out nature of their
In addition to the FBI interrogations, U.S. immigration officials
“will begin photographing and fingerprinting anyone entering the
United States with an Iraqi or Kuwaiti passport.” (3)
In 1987, the FBI and the Naturalization Service revealed the
location of an already existing internment camp for Arabs and Arab
Americans, called a “contingency plan” should the United States go
to war with certain Arab countries. The camp is in Oakdale,
Lousiana. This information was uncovered during the trials of the
“L.A. 8,” a group of eight Palestinians who were held under house
arrest by the FBI for having radical political views and the
audacity to vocalize support for an independent Palestinian
The Justice Department wants to require Amerika’s approximately
8,500 Iraqi residents (mostly students) to reregister with
Immigration Service, “to determine who lives where.”(2) This plan
would greatly facilitate their swift roundup. Have no illusions
about the ruthlessness the state will exercise.
A terrorist hotline has been established in New York City, for
people to phone in with any information they have about possible
Arab suspects. This racism is not random. It is an integral part
of a campaign to rally popular support for their impending
As communists, we must advance an analysis of the strengths of our
enemies if we are to capitalize on their weaknesses. Maoists
maintain strategic confidence—but tactical respect—for the state
enemies we confront. In an open battle, revolutionary forces are
as yet no match for the state and its repressive apparatus. It is
not time to pick up the gun.
Strategic confidence drives us forward with the knowledge that the
strength of the enemy is by its very nature waning, that
imperialism is on its way off the world stage.
But tactical respect reminds us that we must defend our weak
points. Operating in a tightly organized, well-disciplined,
underground organization—a revolutionary party—we minimize the
exposure of our weaknesses and develop our strengths.
1. New York Times 1/12/91, p. 1.
2. Detroit Free Press, 1/8/91, p. 4.
3. NYT, 1/12/91, p.10.
* * *
AVOID SPONTENAITY: IN THE FACE OF INTRA-IMPERIALIST WARS, THE
PROLETARIAT AND ITS ALLIES SHOULD TAKE UP REVOLUTIONARY DEFEATISM.
DON'T FIGHT FOR EITHER SIDE.
The war is here.
The immediacy of foreign events and the magnitude of catastrophe
in the U.S.-Iraq war enrage many who are sick of the oppression
this country inflicts on the people of the world. At these times
we are most pressed to follow our spontaneous inclinations. At
these times, more than ever, we need a long-term view and a clear
understanding of who are our friends, and who are our enemies.
Defeat for imperialism
The current war presents a conflict—a mixture of good news and
bad. The bad news is the deaths of thousands or hundreds of
thousands of people, most of them innocent civilians or soldiers
pressed into service by economic necessity. This spilt blood—the
product of greed, not one drop of it deserved—infuriates all those
who oppose world-wide oppression, and inspires us to greater acts
But the expansion drive of the U.S. empire is also ultimately a
sign of weakness. By banking so much on military victory, risking
its advantage over other competing powers, the United States is
revealing its true frailty. The war of expansion is an act of
desperation. The revolutionary response of the people—in the
United States, the Middle East and around the world—provides the
key to the defeat of imperialism.
The menacing imperialists have a weak underbelly. As China’s
Communist Party Chairperson Mao Zedong explained, they are “real
tigers” and “paper tigers” at the same time. With incredible
military might and insatiable greed, the real tigers have the
power to devour and destroy whole nations, and millions of people.
But because their time on the world stage is limited—as their
presence generates the necessary response of revolution the world
over—in the end they become paper tigers, as was shown in the
great Russian and Chinese victories. All that force is overcome by
the uprising people.
MIM wants the USA to lose this and other imperialist wars, knowing
that means the deaths of thousands of innocent people on both
sides. This position is only justifiable if it is backed up by the
commitment to fight imperialism to the bloody end ourselves, and
to take full advantage of any imperialist defeats to advance the
cause of the international proletariat. Only in this way will the
deaths of U.S. and Iraqi people not have been in vain.
In 1915 V. I. Lenin said of World War I: “Turning the present
imperialist war into civil war is the only correct proletarian
slogan.”(1) This is the long-term objective of revolutionaries in
the present war as well, first identified in Lenin’s theory of
revolutionary defeatism—calling for the defeat of one’s country in
an imperialist war.
Revolutionaries wish no harm on the innocent people in the armies
of imperialism. African-Americans and Puerto Ricans in particular
have historically been pressed by economic coercion into service
to die for their oppressors—from the Civil War to the present.
This is a crime against humanity. African-Americans make up 12% of
the population but 29% of the Army and 23% of the total enlisted
armed services.(7) Of those in the Gulf, the government admits at
least 29% are Black.(8)
How to achieve defeat?
In the face of declining raw economic power, the USA has invested
billions of borrowed dollars on a military machine. At great risk,
it has driven forward its military superiority to outflank the
other imperialist powers who are improving their economic
standing. If the war machine doesn’t generate a victory to pay a
return on this investment—through the conquest of territory and
the subjugation of nations—then the whole top-heavy structure will
Iraq alone does not possess the military capacity to totally
defeat the U.S. armed forces, including at least 500 Amerikan
nuclear weapons in the Gulf region, beyond all the “conventional”
weaponry we’ve heard so much about.(9).
But today the war is creating very real threats to the United
States empire beyond the borders of Iraq and Kuwait.
The people of frail and corrupt Arab regimes, governments which
support the U.S. war effort, have been served notice. The masses
do not support imperialist ventures at their expense.
Specifically, the people of Palestine, Jordan, Egypt, Syria and
Morocco have in the current crisis, as in the past, demonstrated
their hostility toward U.S. aggression in the Middle East. The
massive destructive force levelled against the Arab people of Iraq
will bring further threats to these already unstable governments,
and to the USA in the process. The military machine can only
stretch so far.
In the USA, opposition undermines the political ability of the
government to carry on the war (even if it doesn’t force Bush to
“Stop the War”), and the state is forced to devote precious
resources to the fight against the rebellion of the oppressed
people of Amerika and their allies.
As the power spreads, it weakens. In 1958, Mao explained:
“The United States has set up hundreds of military bases all over
the world. China’s territory of Lebanon and all military bases of
the United States on foreign soil are so many nooses around the
neck of U.S. imperialism. The nooses have been fashioned by the
Americans themselves and by no one else, and it is they themselves
who have put these nooses round their own necks, handing the ends
of the ropes to the Chinese people, the peoples of the Arab
countries and all the peoples of the world who love peace and
oppose aggression. The longer the U.S. aggressors remain in those
places, the tighter the nooses around their necks will become.”(2)
The course of simultaneous expansion and self-destruction of the
U.S. empire remains the same to this day. With this confidence, we
Real allies, real enemies
Within the confines of the USA, the most oppressed groups are the
members of internal nations: African-Americans, Latinos, Native
American nations. The proletarian sectors of these groups
represent the most advanced sectors of the population—those most
motivated and prepared to advance the cause of the international
proletariat against U.S. imperialism.
While Blacks and Latinos spill their blood on desert sands, their
families in Amerika are waging a war of their own: a war against
poverty, disease, drugs and murder.
A complex web of economic oppression, violence, imprisonment and
lack of education is used to keep the oppressed of this country
under the heel of imperialism. The colony will accept not
deviations among its subjects.
The USA maintains by far the highest number of prisoners per
capita of any country in the world. Black men constitute almost
half the country’s prison population, but only 10% of the general
population. There are more Black men in prison than there are in
Life expectancy for Black people peaked in 1984 at 69.7 years.(4)
It has since dropped to 64.9 years for Black men, 73.6 for Black
women.White male life expectancy continues to rise, now up to 72.3
years. White female life expectancy is 78.9.(5)
For Black men between the ages of 15-24, the leading cause of
death is homicide. The rate among white men is seven times
No subject is to young for punishment as the nations are kept
down. In D.C. Black infant mortality is twice the rate of whites,
according to the government. One half of Black children and 40% of
Latino children fall below the too-low Federal Poverty line,
compared to only 17% for whites.(6)
For six months, the anti-war coalitions have told us to call
Congress and the President to demand that the Constitution be
followed. They have told us to unite with all those against the
war—even those whose visions for society we oppose. This position
is correct on the surface—all efforts against the war are
welcome—but we have been urged to strip our political analysis of
its piercing qualities, as a sacrifice necessary to build the
broadest “coalition” necessary to stop the war.
Stopping this war in this place, at this time, must not be the end
goal of our complete struggle, or even the goal of each day’s
work. The lives lost in each successive war are too important to
let the effort to “Stop the War” blind us to the need for long-
range strategic planning. The need for alliances must not persuade
us to weaken our line, even in the name of unity.
We are asked to compromise and appeal to the lowest common
denominator—to support, for example, those in Congress (and their
“leftist” lackeys) who wanted to give more time to the economic
violence of sanctions against the Iraqi people. These people will
help us “Stop the War,” we are told. But are these people helping
us, or are we helping them?
MIM is works with those people and groups whose means and ends are
similar to ours. And all efforts against the war are better than
nothing. But we will worship the spontaneity of the mass and, in
such, retard the development of their political consciousness.
Spontaneity tells us to respond to what is immediately before us:
Congress, the elections, moderate demands and symbolic protests.
The bourgeoisie and its media offer no alternative. That’s up to
us. Recognizing the origin of spontaneous ideas and combatting
them is the chief task of a scientific socialism—the chief task of
the vanguard communist party.
Those socialists who follow the lead of acceptable institutions
and ideas in the name of unity and bigger-is-betterism are in
effect actively working to prevent the political development of
the people. By separating the anti-war effort from the
revolutionary struggle of the oppressed of this country (the
separation of which continues despite token attempts at including
“domestic issues”) the leaders of the mainstream anti-war groups
sell out the strongest allies of the international proletariat and
block the full development of new revolutionary political forces,
We all may have a role to play.
If eligible, resist the draft: do not register, and do not respond
if called. These are illegal acts which put people at risk with
the law. But when the alternative is killing and dying—wasting our
lives to kill innocent people—and when there is a revolutionary
alternative available, resistance becomes the alternative.
Instead, organize against this and all imperialist wars, with a
realistic strategy to win: study, distribute and write for MIM
Notes; work with and join MIM. Don’t throw away your lives to kill
others. Build this party to create public opinion and seize power
for the people, one step at a time.
The anti-war movements of the 1960s and since did not fully
appreciate either the strategic weakness or the tactical strength
of the enemy. The organizations were and are mostly loose and
undisciplined, their messages empty of a thorough analysis. While
we must acknowledge the victories and advances of these movements,
failing to admit their failures—among them the weakness of
coalition politics—will only retard our further development.
So in the long-term war to end imperialism and bring power to the
people, Maoists fight one winnable battle at a time. This is the
principle of fighting with strategic confidence, but tactical
respect for the enemy. We do not confront the enemy head-on with
inferior numbers. Instead we strike at weak spots, build our
strength, and advance steadily.
In the current period, information is our tool, and the newspaper
of the party is our vehicle. With it we both lead and learn from
the masses, bringing more people and resources over to the cause
of revolutionary struggle for socialism and the eventual
realization of communist society.
While we do not make the focoist mistake of picking up the gun
before conditions exist to allow a successful revolutionary war,
we work toward and build for such a war to end the destruction of
imperialist wars forever. Because even when social movements do
affect imperialist policies the people of the world have nothing
to celebrate unless those movements lead to the destruction of
1. The War and the Second International, International Publishers,
New York, 1932. p. 62.
2. Quotations from Chairman Mao Tsetung. Foreign Language Press:
Peking, 1972. pp. 76-77.
3. From the Urban League, in the Washington Post 12/31/90, p. A4.
4. In These Times 1/15/91, p. 7.
5. NYT 11/27/90.
6. Z 11/90, p. 42.
7. L.A. Times 12/6/90.
8. Detroit Free Press 12/6/90.
9. Greenpeace in Washington Peace Letter, 12/90.