This is an archive of the former website of the Maoist Internationalist Movement, which was run by the now defunct Maoist Internationalist Party - Amerika. The MIM now consists of many independent cells, many of which have their own indendendent organs both online and off. MIM(Prisons) serves these documents as a service to and reference for the anti-imperialist movement worldwide.
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  MIM Notes 163  PART I           June 1, 1998

MIM Notes speaks to and from the viewpoint of the 
world's oppressed majority, and against the 
imperialist-patriarchy. Pick it up and wield it in 
the service of the people. support it, struggle 
with it and write for it.


* * *


The Maoist Internationalist Movement (MIM) is a 
revolutionary communist party that upholds 
Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, comprising the collection 
of existing or emerging Maoist internationalist 
parties in the English-speaking imperialist 
countries and their English-speaking internal 
semi-colonies, as well as the existing or emerging 
Spanish-speaking Maoist internationalist parties 
of Aztlan, Puerto Rico and other territories of 
the U.S. Empire. MIM Notes is the newspaper of 
MIM. Notas Rojas is the newspaper of the Spanish-
speaking parties or emerging parties of MIM.

MIM is an internationalist organization that works 
from the vantage point of the Third World 
proletariat; thus, its members are not Amerikans, 
but world citizens.

MIM struggles to end the oppression of all groups 
over other groups: classes, genders, nations.  MIM 
knows this is only possible by building public 
opinion to seize power through armed struggle.

Revolution is a reality for North America as the 
military becomes over-extended in the government's 
attempts to maintain world hegemony.

MIM differs from other communist parties on three 
main questions: (1) MIM holds that after the 
proletariat seizes power in socialist revolution, 
the potential exists for capitalist restoration 
under the leadership of a new bourgeoisie within 
the communist party itself. In the case of the 
USSR, the bourgeoisie seized power after the death 
of Stalin in 1953; in China, it was after Mao's 
death and the overthrow of the "Gang of Four" in 
1976. (2) MIM upholds the Chinese Cultural 
Revolution as the farthest advance of communism in 
human history. (3) MIM believes the North American 
white-working-class is primarily a non-
revolutionary worker-elite at this time; thus, it 
is not the principal vehicle to advance Maoism in 
this country.

MIM accepts people as members who agree on these 
basic principles and accept democratic centralism, 
the system of majority rule, on other questions of 
party line.

"The theory of Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin is 
universally applicable. We should regard it not as 
dogma, but as a guide to action. Studying it is 
not merely a matter of learning terms and phrases, 
but of learning Marxism-Leninism as the science of 
-- Mao Zedong, Selected Works, Vol. II, p. 208

* * *


by RC784 and MC17

As the capitalist crisis deepens in Asia, creating even more 
poverty and unemployment, the Indonesian masses continue to 
challenge imperialism by the tens of thousands through 
demonstrations and rioting.

University students have been calling for the government to 
reinstate price supports for necessities like food and fuel 
and for President Suharto to resign his post. Students were 
relatively safe when demonstrating on campus, but they felt 
the full force of the state's armed repression when they 
tried to take their demonstrations off campus and into the 
masses. On May 13, Indonesian state security forces killed 
six students taking part in nonviolent demonstrations.(1)

As the people felt the impact of rising prices resulting 
from Suharto's recently imposed austerity measures  the 
protests moved off the campuses and into the streets where 
the Indonesian people took up the struggle with a passion as 
they attacked anything that symbolized the government that 
has kept them poor, hungry, and living under a military 

U.$. Imperialist backing

In 1997 the US congress allocated an additional $4.5 million 
in aid to the Indonesian dictatorship, with $100,000 aimed 
at military training alone.(2) In addition to brutally 
repressing and offering up for exploitation its own people, 
Indonesia occupies East Timor, an occupation infamous for 
the brutality and oppression the East Timorese have 

In all, the United States has sold more than $1.1 billion in 
weaponry to Indonesia since its 1975 invasion of East Timor; 
the sales have gone on in Republican and Democratic 
administrations alike, regardless of the rhetoric espoused 
by the President at the time. According to the U.S. Arms 
Control and Disarmament Agency, from 1992 to 1994 (the most 
recent years for which full data is available), Indonesia 
received 53% of its weapons imports from the United States. 
If the proposed sale of the F-16s goes ahead as planned, the 
Clinton Administration will have approved roughly $270 
million in arms sales to Indonesia in just over 4 years, or 
an average of over $67 million per year. This represents 
more than twice the level of arms sales to Indonesia 
concluded during the Bush Administration, and allowing for 
inflation, it represents the highest level of U.S. sales 
since the second Reagan term or the early Carter period.(3)

The people rebel

While the military is patrolling the streets with armored 
personnel carriers and troops in riot gear carrying M-16 
rifles, shooting into crowds, and attacking demonstrators, 
Suharto is pretending to oppose violence claiming he will 
not use armed force to stay in power: "I will not use force 
of arms."(4) This false pacifism is laughable coming from 
the man who led his military to massacre the Indonesian 
Communist party and its supporters in 1965. Suharto has 
headed the military dictatorship in Indonesia, kept in this 
position with significant u.s. economic, military and 
political support, for 32 years.

One reporter wrote in mid-May: "Shops and banks that were 
torched smoldered, roads were strewn with broken glass, and 
security forces had blocked off entire streets. Burned out 
vehicles were everywhere."(4) One group attacked a police 
station. There are reports of deaths on all sides.

The house of Indonesia's richest man, Liem Soei Liong, an 
ethnic Chinese billionaire with close links to Suharto, was 
trashed and burned. Even those not joining in the rioting 
have been seen cheering as buildings are smashed and burned. 
As one reporter wrote: "Everywhere, at every fire and 
smashed window, crowds clapped and shouted approval as 
rioters raged. ... One officer even waved and gave the thumbs-
up sign to teenagers smashing a huge glass window."(5) 

The Washington Post reported that at least one unit of 
Marines, in scarlet berets and holding swagger sticks, 
briefly marched alongside the protesters, to cheers and 
handshakes from the protestors, and then engaged in a tense 
stand-off at a key intersection with helmeted riot policemen 
who fired tear gas and rubber bullets in an attempt to 
disperse the crowds."(6)

While extent of the split in the military forces in 
Indonesia is not yet clear, this is a sign that Suharto's 
power is facing a significant challenge. Although the 
imperialist and comprador military must be seen as an enemy 
of the people, in times of revolutionary uprising, 
individuals and even whole branches of the military can be 
convinced to change to the side of the people. 

Imperialism: the real enemy

Comments by Indonesian security forces indicate that the 
ruling class fears a political solution to the suffering of 
the masses that would limit bourgeois enrichment.(7) Reports 
suggest that most of the people's attacks have been against 
Chinese petit-bourgeois shopowners, because that is where 
they witness the price increases. Chinese people make up a 
tiny fraction of Indonesia's 200 million population but 
dominate commerce and industry.(5) But the petit-bourgeois 
are not the source of this economic crisis. 

National and international finance capital caused this 
crisis, and replacing imperialism with socialism is the only 
viable option to liberate the world's masses from 
exploitation and oppression. Looting shops is a short-term 
solution; it will put food on the table. But the Suharto 
regime benefits if the Indonesian masses believe that 
Chinese petit-bourgeois are their chief enemy, not the 
Suharto regime and the imperialism for which it stands.

Recently the Suharto regime has complied with a number of 
the International Monetary Fund (IMF) demands in return for 
an economic bailout package, and so the IMF has agreed to 
dole out the $40 billion in stages pending further 
subservience to imperialism.(8) Approval from the IMF means 
that the World Bank, the Asian Development Bank, Japan, 
Malaysia and Australia will also provide loans to bankrupt 
Indonesian capitalists who, if they do not receive this 
bailout, will not be able to pay loans from oppressor 
nation's banks.(9)

But these changes are not designed to nor will they produce 
fundamental improvements in the material living conditions 
of the Indonesian masses. In fact, their effect is the 
opposite: the "structural adjustments" required by the IMF 
have lead to significant price increases in basic 
necessities like food and fuel. But these imperialist 
solutions only "pave the way for more extensive and 
destructive crises."(10)

The bourgeois media has acted surprised at the news that the 
U.$. has decided to release more IMF money despite Suharto's 
continued violent crackdown on political opposition. MIM is 
not the least bit surprised; subverting the will of the 
Indonesian masses is essential to imperialism.

The open conflict between the masses and the ruling class in 
Indonesia has not run this high since 1965, when Suharto 
presided over the mass murder of over half a million 
Communists and their supporters amongst the peasantry and 
proletariat. But the Indonesians lack effective leadership, 
mass organization and ideology to unify the people's 
opposition to imperialism.

Megawati Sukarnoputri, the daughter of the former President 
overthrown in 1965 by General Suharto, is Indonesia's most 
well-known opposition candidate. She remained silent 
throughout this whole crisis until Wednesday, May 13, when 
she gave a speech calling for Suharto to step down. She has 
identified herself as a suitable replacement. But so have 
others, such as Ahamn Ries, one of Indonesia's most well-
known Muslim intellectuals.

Indonesia, the world's fourth most populous nation, once had 
the third largest Communist party in the world, the PKI, 
before it was decimated and driven underground by Suharto in 
1965. MIM is unaware of the existence of an Indonesian 
proletarian vanguard party at this time. But it is exactly 
capitalist crises like this one which contribute to 
proletarian class consciousness and revolutionary action. It 
is the duty of MIM and RAIL to build support for the 
Indonesian masses' resistance to imperialism, while we push 
for the development of a Maoist vanguard party. And within 
u.s. borders we will continue to struggle for an end to U.$. 
support for the Indonesian dictatorship. We know that 
without imperialist backing, the puppet rulers in many 
countries will quickly fall to the strength of the 
revolutionary struggle of the masses.

1. NPR News, May 14, 1998. 
s.transfers. to.Indo.I 
4. Boston Globe, May 14, 1998, p.A2. 
5. Associated Press, May 14, 1998 06:46.
6. Washington Post, May 14, 1998.
7. Christopher Torchia, "Violence erupts in Indonesian town 
as fuel and transport prices go up," Associated Press, 5-5-
8. See "Indonesia's economy collapsing: imperialist bailout 
rejected," in MIM Notes 159, April 1, 1998, p. 9 for more on 
9. Cindy Shiner, "Indonesia warns protesting students; 
military threatens 'stern action'; new round of price 
increases announced," Washington Post, May 5, 1998, p. A16. 
10. Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, "Manifesto of the 
Communist Party," 1848. 

* * *


A RAIL comrade recently attended a lecture at a Midwestern 
university given by Allan Nairn, a progressive Amerikan 
activist and journalist who has covered the struggle in East 
Timor for years. The event was sponsored by the local 
chapters of Amnesty International and East Timor Action 
Network. Nairn is well known for his writing on behalf of 
the East Timorese struggle for national independence from 
the Indonesian government of General Suharto. Before 
focusing on Indonesia and East Timor, Nairn also reported on 
the anti- apartheid struggle in South Africa and the anti- 
imperialist struggle in El Salvador. While Nairn presented 
some useful information on the East Timorese struggle, his 
activism continues to be hampered by his reformist ideology.

Nairn's eye witness experience in Indonesia and East Timor 
confirmed what MIM Notes has previously reported: the U$ 
military is continuing to train and supply the Indonesian 
military despite the U$ Congressional ban on such 

During the Q&A, a RAIL comrade asked Nairn if FELANTIL, the 
East Timorese armed movement for national liberation, had 
considered how they would transform their imperialist-
organized economy after national liberation. The RAIL 
comrade was interested in such information because it has 
been reported that FELANTIL had a Maoist orientation in 
earlier years. Nairn could only report that national 
liberation leaders were discussing the issue, and that it 
would be one of the greatest challenges a free East Timor 
would face.

Nairn also announced that he would be forming a human rights 
umbrella organization called Justice For All to coordinate 
the various activities of single issue groups like ETAN and 
the Free Tibet movement. He argued that the U.$. human 
rights activist community currently consists of "about 
15,000 upper and middle class liberals," but that there was 
no reason why it shouldn't include "20 or 30 million working 
class Americans." Nairn added that, at one time, Amerikans 
could have argued that U.$. workers benefited from 
imperialism, an idea he attributed to W. E. B. DuBois, but 
that was no longer the case.

After the formal discussion, the RAIL comrade approached 
Nairn to challenge him on this last point. The comrade 
presented evidence to the contrary: Amerikan workers no 
longer create surplus value but are bought off by the 
superprofits imperialists derive from the oppressed nations. 
Furthermore, the comrade told Nairn, DuBois learned of the 
labor aristocratic theory through his study of Lenin's work. 
Nairn said that the comrade was "thirty years behind the 
times," to which the RAIL comrade responded, "No, you are at 
least thirty years or more ahead of the times."

Nairn and a Teamster chided the RAIL comrade, assuming that 
the comrade was a college student due to his/her youthful 
appearance and therefore would not know what the work world 
was like, which is not the case. The RAIL comrade in 
question is not a college student and works for his/her 
living. Besides, this kind of personal dismissal would not 
disprove the economic statistics presented by MIM even if 
the comrade was a parentally-funded college student. Facts 
are facts, regardless of the messenger.

The RAIL comrade was pretty ticked at Nairn's definition of 
the social base for "progressive foreign policy," which is 
the term Nairn used. Those may be the people who have the 
money to bankroll AI, ETAN, and American Friends Service 
Community (a pacifist group), but the audience proved that 
those of high school and college age perform the majority of 
the footwork. Despite Nairn's myopia, attending the event 
beat a night in front of the TV. The local RAIL chapter has 
good relations with local Amnesty and ETAN activists, who 
allowed RAIL to distribute MIM Notes. At the very least, the 
RAIL comrade was able to challenge Nairn's line and get the 
audience thinking in a more revolutionary way.

As Chairman Mao said, prior to the proletarian seizure of 
state power, reformist progress is made by uniting all who 
can be united on the smallest of issues. MIM calls upon 
advocates of real "progressive foreign policy" -- anti-
imperialism - - to join an already existing group which 
coordinates Amerikan opposition to imperialism: RAIL! 

NOTES: 1. "U.$. teaches torture to Indonesian military," MIM 
Notes 160, p. 3.

* * *


Oracle, AZ. -- On March 2, 1998, Micholaus Contreraz, a 
Chicano youth, died of a massive lung infection while 
incarcerated at a privately-run juvenile Koncentration Kamp 
known as Arizona Boys Ranch. He had complained weeks earlier 
of difficulty breathing, but he was branded a malingerer and 
denied medical care. He was required to perform forced labor 
and calisthenics and when his illness had made him too weak 
to obey, he was beaten and forced to carry a pail full of 
his own feces and vomit. Despite the tremendous risk of 
retaliation, eleven other inmates of Arizona Boys Ranch came 
forward during the investigation of the death of Contreraz 
to accuse their tormentors of repeatedly kicking, stomping 
on, punching, and choking them.

As a consequence of the investigation, the director of 
Arizona Boys Ranch, Peder De La Rambelje, was replaced by 
another employee of the koncentration kamp system, Carl 
Prange. Prange promises to be no better as he was criminally 
charged with similar abuse of children in 1987. And even if 
he hadn't been charged with this abuse, the system demands 
employees who will follow the rules and maintain a system of 
social control by torturing the inmates. Institutions like 
this one fit into the large system of social control 
maintained by a criminal injustice system which reigns in 
any anti-authoritarian tendencies on the part of youth and 
oppressed nations within u.s. borders.

The charges were dismissed due to "lack of evidence" when 
the political backers of Arizona Boys Ranch intervened. Even 
if this new pig is slightly less brutal than the old one, 
the problems of juvenile injustice will not be solved by 
changing pigs. Some of these young men may have engaged in 
truly anti-social behavior, but no one was ever reformed by 
being brutalized. The system of criminalizing Third World 
youth must be overturned, and that can only be done by 
revolution. Only after a Maoist revolution will we be able 
to put in place a system of true peoples justice, socialism, 
where anti-social actions are responded to with education 
and nations will not oppress other nations. 

Note: The Arizona Republic 29 April, 1998. See also MIM 
Theory 11 "Amerikkkan Prisons on Trial" for more on the 
criminal injustice system as a tool of social control.

* * *



Dear MIM,

Prisoners and criminals are not going to be the focus, 
motive force or key participants in any revolution. They 
never have been and never will. They are deluded to think 
so, and you are irresponsible in fostering this delusion. 
They'd do better to read great novels and poetry, histories 
and biographies--readings that would give them better 
insight into questions of human nature, justice, honesty, 
nature and moral behavior. Such reading could also help them 
go on to get an education and job after they serve their 
terms. If they are lifers, they will benefit also. I don't 
say this as someone unsympathetic to them. Violent, 
delusional, self-aggrandizing pipedreams is not what they 

--A reader in the midwest 

April, 1998

MIM responds:

The above is typical of responses MIM gets from mainstream 
academics when we ask for help with our political Books for 
Prisoners program. When these people find out we focus on 
political education in the prisons with a revolutionary 
perspective, they lose interest in a program that they would 
otherwise support if it were just a charity.

MIM's Books for Prisoners program is brutally honest about 
the world. We offer prisoners no pipedreams or delusions 
about rehabilitation and the so-called justice system. 
Instead we provide information about the history and current 
political situation in the world so that prisoners can 
figure out for themselves what their role in society has 
been and should be. 

If we were to run a program just sending in "great novels" 
(which are proclaimed great by the imperialist education 
system) and mainstream history, we would be providing a very 
biased view of the world to the prisoners. And we would be 
failing to offer them the perspective of the majority of the 
world's people. This kind of charity program might help to 
teach a few prisoners some useful skills but would do 
nothing to attack the system which currently houses 1.7 
million prisoners (more than any other country in the 
world!) and perpetuates national oppression to the tune of a 
higher proportion of Blacks in prison than was found even in 
Apartheid South Africa.

MIM seeks to change the world, not just adjust to the 
oppression that imperialism perpetuates. We don't want to 
teach prisoners how to get by in a system that was set up as 
a means of social control. We want to offer the information 
to both prisoners and non-prisoners alike so that they can 
analyze the world and draw conclusions based on an anti-
imperialist perspective. 

People in this country have been inundated with the 
imperialist perspective from birth and no one complains 
about censorship of alternative points of view. But as soon 
as MIM tells people we are selectively sending in literature 
from the perspective of the oppressed people of the world, 
academics in the united snakes get very defensive. We 
challenge all academics who claim to be sympathetic to 
prisoners to read the Under Lock and Key section in MIM 
Notes for a few months and then come back to us with an 
argument about why we should not be offering these prisoners 
revolutionary anti-imperialist literature.

Prisoners in Amerikkka face repression and brutality daily 
on top of primarily being targeted based on nation or 
position in society. Because of the material reality 
prisoners face, contrary to what the writer asserts, MIM 
finds that prisoners are quite interested in developing a 
new society that is just. 

By no means do we expect prisoners or academics to agree 
with all of the positions which MIM takes. But we expect 
anyone genuinely promoting justice and the betterment of 
society to struggle with us to develop programs which 
actively fight against oppression. In Michigan at this 
point, prisoners are far more active in struggling against 
oppression than the majority of the people claiming to be 
liberals in the University. The prisoners get actively 
involved despite brutality and censorship whereas many 
people criticize RAIL and MIM's work from the campus 
computing center.


Dear MIM,

I also received my January issues of MIM Notes last week. I 
came across a viewpoint I am struggling with. I quote from 
MIM Notes 153, page 3: "MIM can not lead a revolutionary 
class alliance against treaties like APEC at this time 
without unleashing a fascist movement we would prefer stay 
sedated.... In the Philippines, opposing APEC is correct 
because it is the fastest road to revolution. This is not 
true in the First World societies..."

First of all, if we worry about the backlash that will be 
caused by our opposition, then we might as well not ever 
think about initiating an armed struggle. We cannot be 
afraid of reactions to our opposition -- imperialist are 
reactionary by nature! We cannot expect to take action and 
think that our oppressors are not going to retaliate. If 
this is the scenario you are waiting for then you will be 
waiting forever! However you advocate the Filipino 
opposition to APEC. This sounds like a double standard to 
meet. It also sounds like the reluctance to take initiative 
and a willingness to wait for a others to do all of the work 
for us. I want know why we should distance ourselves from 
the just opposition to imperialist agreements. Please shed 
some light on me in this matter. 

Struggling to win,

--A comrade in the SC gulags 

2 February 1998

MIM responds: 

This is a question about strategy and the analogy to the 
initiation of armed struggle is a good one. MIM is not yet 
engaged in armed struggle because the balance of forces is 
such that we can't win. Within the borders of the U.$ 
empire, the majority oppose us not only subjectively but 
also objectively via their material interests. MIM has 
already said, starting in MIM Theory 7, that this is not 
likely to change, and that successful revolution in the 
belly of the beast will likely require the armed help of the 
Third World masses. 

Because of this we need to look at the international balance 
of forces and we come to the same conclusion, that there is 
not yet sufficient subjective leadership by the proletariat 
in the Third World to give us the kind of help we need. Many 
Third World societies do not yet have a Maoist party, let 
alone vibrant armed struggles, and no Third World society is 
currently liberated from imperialism and establishing 
national democracy or socialism.

So the armed struggle can't start until we are set to win. 
In most Third World societies, the armed struggle can start 
very soon after the creation of the Party, because the 
material conditions are very different. The numbers of the 
exploited is much larger, the government is much weaker, and 
there significant middle focus that can be won over to the 

The revolutionary party should only concern itself with the 
strength of the imperialists except in comparison to the 
revolutionary forces. Perhaps you misunderstood our point: 
MIM doesn't fear the imperialists unleashing a fascist 
movement, we fear the Amerikan majority masses will turn 
from passively against to actively against us. In the 
Philippines the majority of the masses are supporters and an 
allies of the revolution; but here we have as enemies not 
only the imperialists but also the majority of the North 
American population.

Opposing the newest GATT successfully would leave you with 
the previous GATT. That's not a change in the overall 
imperialist system, and would benefit and hurt various 
different First and Third world societies and sections 
differently. In the Philippines, fighting the newest GATT 
allows the revolution to advance, because protectionism in 
the Third World has a progressive character. In the First 
World, protectionism would only stir up the fascist Ross 
Perot and Pat Buchanan supporters.

Here in the belly of the beast, MIM opposes the imperialist 
system--not one imperialist agreement over another--as the 
best means to advance the revolution here.

* * *


[Note: The print version of this article contained a 
confusing grammatical error clarified in MIM Notes 165. We 
have fixed that error here.]

Newark, New Jersey, May 3--More than 100 Filipino youth came 
together at "The Philippine Centennial and Beyond: Telling 
the Untold Story" conference. The conference took place in 
the year of the so-called 100th Anniversary of Philippine 
Independence. The centennial is based in the lie that the 
United Snakes liberated the people from brutal Spanish 
colonialism, conveniently forgetting that Filipino 
nationalists had already liberated almost the entire 
country, before the Amerikans landed and the brutal war of 
acquisition began. This big lie requires the people to 
forget that the Philippines was a direct colony of the 
United Snakes for half a century, and that the U.$ continues 
to be the dominant power in the country to this date. 

The Master of Ceremonies for the event read a newspaper 
quote from the Ambassador of the Philippines: "This year 
marks 100 years of a special relationship with the United 
States." Although this blunt word was not what the lackey 
Ambassador would have used, many at the conference cut right 
to the chase: imperialism.

Conferences such as this one are an important way to combat 
this mis-history as well as struggle to solve the concrete 
problems of the Filipino exile community, such as gang 
violence. RAIL was invited by the organizers to table in the 
main conference room. We thank the organizers for the 
opportunity. We distributed a fair amount of literature and 
collected a number of postcards to send in support of 
political asylum in the Netherlands for Filipino 
revolutionary Jose Maria Sison.

Two films were shown. The first, "This Bloody, Blundering, 
Business" was about the Philippine-Amerikan war. It vividly 
depicted how the Filipino nationalists had defeated the bulk 
of the Spanish colonial forces. The U.$. troops took token 
part in a final battle so that the Spanish forces could save 
face and surrender to another imperialist as opposed to the 
colonial subjects who had defeated them. Of course the 
Filipino nationalists didn't want the Spanish to be replaced 
by Amerikans, and fought back when the Amerikans didn't 
leave. A brutal war ensued. 

One particularly disgusting war crime was an Amerikan order 
that all Filipinos of weapons carrying age were to be 
killed. When this officer was asked for an age of 
demarcation, the answer was 10. This officer was eventually 
tried by the Amerikan courts for this horrible crime and 
given a very light sentence. 

The video also discusses the anti-imperialist movement 
within the United Snakes. The Filipino revolution was 
eventually defeated. The video makes the sharp point near 
the end that the reason that the Philippines went from being 
a direct colony to being a neo-colony after World War II, 
was not out of respect for the Filipino desire for self-
determination, but as a result of the sugar lobby. The 
Amerikan sugar growers resented the fact that Filipino sugar 
could be imported to the United Snakes without import duties 
(since the Philippines was a territory.)

The second film was entitled Bontoc Eulogy about the 
treatment of Filipinos at the 1904 World's Fair in St. 
Louis. While RAIL would like to see this video again before 
we form a final opinion on it (in particular, we would like 
to examine some of the comments about assimilation) the 
video boldly confronts the Amerikan assault on the 
indigenous people of the Philippines, and challenges the 
audience to confront their own stereotypes. 

The filmmaker's grandfather was an Igorot warrior, and was 
remembered in his village for two things: having gone to 
Amerika for the world fair, and never having returned. One 
thousand indigenous (from a variety of tribes) Filipinos 
were imported to the Fair and they constructed a fake 
village. In this village they performed their religious 
ceremonies and dances for the white fairgoers. The video 
effectively exposes the paternalism of Amerika towards 

One of the afternoon presentations focused on Black soldiers 
in the Philippine-Amerikan war drew RAIL's attention. The 
presenter made a case for internationalist solidarity 
against imperialism. He discussed Black opposition to the 
war, and the general solidarity between Blacks and Filipinos 
at the turn of the century. 

During the war, many black leaders opposed the use of Black 
troops to fight in the Philippines. W.E.B. DuBois directly 
exposed the contradiction of using Black troops--who had 
their own liberation struggle to fight in the United Snakes-
-to crush the liberation struggle of another nation fighting 
the U.$. 

The Black newspapers were opposed to the war, but were 
unable to fund sending correspondents to the war, so they 
recruited Black soldiers to send them dispatches. Solidarity 
between Blacks and Filipinos ran deep, but the Black agenda 
was split on one hand between an internationalist duty to 
help the Filipino liberation struggle & a nationalist duty 
to weaken their oppressor, and on the other hand an 
integrationist move to perform well in battle in the hopes 
of receiving concessions from white Amerika.

The Filipino revolutionaries exploited the contradiction 
between the Black nation and Amerikan imperialism 
effectively. The leader, Emilio Aquinaldo wrote a leaflet 
urging the Black troops to switch sides. This leaflet 
referred to a very notorious lynching in the South where the 
body was left on public display and the dead man's son was 
forced to pose for pictures with the bones. 

Some Black soldiers not only deserted, but enlisted in the 
Filipino army. One, named David Fagan, was eventually 
promoted to Captain and was lovingly referred to by his 
Filipino troops as "General". This story was particularly 
inspiring because it was the confirmed case we have heard in 
U.$. history of soldiers actually switching sides from the 
imperialist to anti-imperialist armies. The presenter said 
that 6000 Black troops were used by Amerika in the war. 
Amerika stopped sending Black soldiers to the Philippines 
because Amerika couldn't trust them against another colonial 
population. After the war, 1000 Black soldiers decided to 
stay in the Philippines.

The presenter lamented the fact that many Filipinos no 
longer show the same solidarity towards Blacks, and for this 
he blames the Amerikan educational system that was put in 
place at the end of the war. At the end of the conference, 
there was a cultural performance and a panel discussion 
about contemporary issues for Filipino youth living within 
the United Snakes. Many youth saw gang violence and suicide 
as key problems. One presenter said that in California, 
Filipinos youth are the ethnic group with the highest 
suicide rate. The youth discussed the various ways that they 
had overcome obstacles, including drugs and gang violence to 
now be in a position to more effectively serve their 

RAIL sees problems of suicide, drugs and gang violence to be 
the products of this imperialist, patriarchal society. The 
best way to combat these evils is as part of a larger 
revolutionary movement, be it in the National Democratic 
Movement led by the Communist Party of the Philippines or in 
the MIM-led anti-imperialist United Front here in the First 
World societies.

* * *


MIM is soliciting signatures on postcards (pictured here) 
demanding political asylum for the Sison family. Jose Maria 
Sison, a leader in the national democratic movement in the 
Philippines and consultant to the National democratic Front 
in its peace negotiations with the Manila Government, 
currently resides in the Netherlands and has been denied 
political refugee status. Write to the addresses on page 2 
for copies of the postcard.

* * *



by a RAIL comrade

The Massachusetts Department of Corrections started 
collecting blood samples from prisoners in January of this 
year for the purpose of storing records of prisoners' DNA. 
After being forced to halt collections by a court order on 
February 9, the DOC was allowed to again collect samples in 
March after the injunction was lifted. Approximately 1,100 
prisoners have been forced to give blood samples which will 
be stored indefinitely. The DNA records will aid Amerikkka 
in its war waged against the oppressed through massive 
incarceration. The DNA collection is yet another tool that 
helps the pigs in their anti-crime war. This war is about 
social control and the national oppression and we oppose the 
war and all its tools.

The collection of prisoners' blood was halted due to efforts 
from lawyers and activists who say the collection 
compromises a person's right to privacy. We support this as 
a tactic because it exposes the contradictions within 
Amerika's dictatorship of the bourgeoisie while gaining 
protections, though limited, for the oppressed. The masses 
understand too well that such laws providing so-called 
rights to individuals are normally implemented only when it 
serves the interests of the oppressors.

The so-called right to privacy in Amerika is typically used 
to ensure the oppressor's ability to maintain power and 
privilege. In the case of prisoners, Amerika consistently 
states that prisoners do not deserve what other human beings 
deserve. Dehumanizing prisoners is a tactic which the 
oppressor uses to ensure that opposition does not develop 
against the injustice committed against prisoners.

The DNA collection serves to keep prisoners incarcerated by 
providing easily accessible false evidence to the 
prosecuting pigs. The collection of DNA records is intended 
for the pigs to have a record of people who have previously 
been convicted [in the white nation's courts] of crimes 
ranging from prostitution to murder. Pigs then have access 
to the bank and can match crime scene DNA with a "likely 
suspect" past offender. This practice allows pigs to have 
further control over sentencing. With the DNA records, pigs 
have a greater ability to place inaccurate information at 
the scene and fudge the evidence to pre-existing statistics. 
Pigs also can hold the threat of releasing DNA as evidence 
over arrested people in an attempt to get coerced 

This practice also exposes the fact that the pigs hold no 
pretense of prisons being institutions which help to reform 
or change people who actually committed the crimes for which 
they were incarcerated. The Amerikkkan injustice system has 
never been interested in stopping crime. Any genuine 
opponent of crime starts by attacking the root cause - the 
oppressive imperialist system. The Amerikan so-called 
justice system disproportionately incarcerates oppressed 
nationals while intensifying overall genocidal and 
exploitative crimes perpetuated by the imperialist system in 
general. The crimes of the imperialists have resulted in 
systematic exploitation, starvation, genocide and rape. The 
criminals perpetuating these crimes must be put on trial and 
prosecuted by the people. The imperialists are the real 

In addition to pigs using the DNA to increase the 
incarceration of the oppressed, there are no restrictions on 
whether or not the DNA can be used to test for genetic 
predisposition toward disease and crime. The DNA collection 
and Amerikkka's subsequent ability to do with it as it 
pleases helps to perpetuate bio-determinist analyses about 
crime and nationality. Once again falling back to white 
nation chauvinist bio-determinism, so-called scientific 
studies promulgate the idea that Blacks are more violent and 
that whites are genetically superior.

Sounds a lot like Nazi Germany. Well actually it wasn't just 
in Germany. The U$ has funded such so-called scientific 
endeavors before for the purpose of controlling the health 
and lives of the oppressed. The United Snakes of Imperialism 
funded the massive sterilization of Puerto Rican wimmin and 
experimentation of Third World peoples under the guise of 
small pox tests, to give two examples. And the United Snakes 
experimented on and prevented treatment for hundreds of men 
in Macon, Georgia during the 40 year Tuskegee experiments.

As in the case of the Tuskegee experiments, the collection 
of prisoners' DNA can be used for imperialist scientists to 
perform studies with the aim of concluding that the 
oppressed are more prone to disease or crime.

MIM builds support for prisoners' struggles against 
oppression. Specifically, we print this information to 
encourage others to continue opposition against the DNA 
banks in Massachusetts and to help us publicize this 
imperialist tactic that is happening in many states in 
Amerikkka. MIM knows that this injustice system will not be 
reformed to provide justice to the people, but we can fight 
for small reforms while we build the revolutionary struggle 
to overthrow imperialism and move forward to socialist 

Note: Boston Globe 19 April 1998.

* * *


by RC4T4

The California Department of Corrections is requesting 
another bus for the transportation of prisoners. It is a new 
type of bus which will be tailored for the California 
D.O.C.'s specifications. It costs about $450,000 for one of 
these specialized buses. The D.O.C has already bought one of 
these buses and now it wants two more. 

Some of the specifications the D.O.C. is asking for is that 
the bus be 43 feet long, bullet proof windows, an elevated 
enclosed guard station, three bullet proof isolation cells, 
the newest in environmental air conditioning systems, a 400 
horsepower engine, and a bathroom with a drinking fountain 
in it. The D.O.C. is not requesting this bus because of 
their concern for the safety and comfort of their prisoners, 
as prisoners are starved, dehydrated, or beaten to death in 
prisons across the country. So then why request these 
specialized air conditioned, drinking fountain equipped 

With the recent growth of the prison industry and the 
senseless game of transferring prisoners, the D.O.C. has 
found itself in the transportation business. In California 
the cost of shuttling prisoners around the state has reached 
a daily cost of $5,500. The California D.O.C. already has 32 
buses and is claiming that these buses are not enough. This 
is because they are transporting about 20,000 prisoners a 
month to and from prison or transferring prisoners to other 

The California D.O.C. is currently awaiting approval for 
their request for a $450,000 bus. The legislative analysis 
office is, of course, only concerned with the cost of the 
new bus. The fact that budget cuts are taking away education 
and rehabilitation programs for prisoners does not seem to 
be affecting the budget for transporting prisoners. 

MIM knows that the Department of Corrections is not 
interested in correcting or rehabilitating anyone. Prisons 
are a growth industry in this country and the D.O.C. is only 
interested in its cut in the industry. A $450,000 bus is 
more important than education programs or libraries in the 

The D.O.C. and the Amerikan government have a vested 
interest in the growth of the prison population and the 
oppression this system sets up and perpetuates. And it is 
this interest that has propelled the u.s. to its status as 
the number one incarcerator in the world. The criminal 
injustice system is an integral part of Amerikan 
imperialism, work with MIM to overthrow this system and end 
the oppression of all groups over groups.

Notes: Prison Connections 

For further information about the prison industry in Amerika 
and its role in u.s. society, order a copy of MIM Theory 11, 
Amerikan Prisons on Trial, for $6 postage paid.

* * *


Directed by: Martin Scorsese 

This film is essentially an autobiography of the Dalai Lama, 
spiritual and political leader of feudal Tibet. Predictably, 
it paints the Dalai Lama as a reformer, and the People's 
Liberation Army as horrible oppressors. Like in "Seven Years 
in Tibet" we see that the Dalai Lama had very little contact 
with the common people of Tibet. The film repeatedly shows 
the Tibetan Court trying to keep the Dalai Lama in the dark 
about various political matters (palace intrigue, the 
existence of Tibetan prisons and the Tibetan army). (Lest 
some of MIM Notes' readers who saw the film be confused, we 
deduce that the Dalai Lama was born into a family of the 
lower nobility and not into a serf family. We base this on 
comparison of dress.) 

If MIM was to make a film about Tibet, would base it on the 
lives of the majority of the population not on the top 
leader. Such a film would focus on the hard work and low 
standard of living of the serfs compared to the nobility. 
Perhaps we would focus on the former slave woman who became 
the leader of Tibet after the Dalai Lama fled. Or maybe we 
would tell the story of this former serf:

"I think I was not much different from a yak or any other 
draft animal for I could not read or write a word and knew 
nothing at all. For generations my family belonged to a big 
serf-owner who had five hundred families of serfs, working 
both in farming and in livestock. I wore the same sheepskin 
winter and summer and it was my only garment. It was so old 
that there was no wool on it anymore nor any warmth but only 
plenty of lice. I was always hungry."(1)

MIM has no reason to doubt this portrayal of the Dalai 
Lama's knowledge of what was really going on in Tibet. 
However, our beef has never been with the individual 
responsibility of the Dalai Lama, but rather with the slave 
society he represents. In the almost 50 years since the 
Dalai Lama took office, he has yet to denounce past serfdom 
or even say that restoring the Dalai Lama regime will not 
mean restored slavery for the Tibetan masses. 

In the film, when Dalai Lama flees to India, he laments the 
timing of the Chinese "invasion" because his reforms were 
just about to take place. MIM has seen no evidence that the 
Dalai Lama was or is aware of the scope of the changes that 
were necessary. 

This film was interesting to MIM in that it portrayed 
significant changes in how the Dalai Lama tells his history. 
The film says that the Dalai Lama did not approve the 1951 
agreement for the "Peaceful Liberation of Tibet", which set 
forth the a slow pace of reforms by which the nobility would 
give political power to the masses.

Between 1951 and 1959, there were several rebellions of the 
nobility. In 1959, 4 of the 6 kaloons (wealthy noblemen) in 
the kasha (Cabinet of Ministers) united in rebellion. The 
rebellion failed because the Tibetan people did not support 
it. According to the Dalai Lama at the time, he was 
kidnapped and forced into exile. As MIM Theory 8 wrote, this 
claim was suspicious because the Dalai Lama refused an offer 
of the Chinese Communist Party to return to power. Instead, 
the Dalai Lama remained in India and denounced the 1951 
Agreement. This allowed the Chinese Communist Party to 
abandon the slow pace of the 1951 Agreement and instead 
speed up it's reforms. In the film the story is changed, the 
Dalai Lama plays no role in the rebellions--which are only 
discussed in the context of rejected CCP requests for the 
Dalai Lama to stop the rebellions--but willingly flees to 

In the film, we see a scene were Mao says to the Dalai Lama 
in a private meeting that "religion is poison." The only 
evidence MIM has of this meeting is the Dalai Lama's word 
for it, but this is not an incorrect statement even though 
it is clearly put in the movie to make Mao look bad. 
Religion most definitely is a poison used to dupe the masses 
into accepting their class based societies. Even in the 
film, we see the young Dalai Lama learning the Buddhist 
justifications for suffering. Instead of blaming the 
nobility for their poverty, the serf system wanted the 
people to blame their ancestors. Instead of making a 
revolution and carrying out land reform, Buddhism wants the 
people to focus on their next reincarnation. 

Communists should and do propagandize against religion as a 
part of the old oppressive society. The sentence "religion 
is poison" was difficult for most Amerikan audiences to 
grasp and for that reason MIM carries out much more 
extensive educational work around this issue.

On a related point, the Dalai Lama has a number of 
nightmares in the film. In one, he is standing, surrounded 
by the bleeding bodies of hundreds or thousands of dead 
monks. This was a dream and never happened. One dream, 
however, MIM suspects and hopes did happen. In this dream, a 
People's Liberation Army general pays a visit to the Dalai 
Lama and tells him stories about his own oppression as a 
peasant in another part of China. Telling stories like this 
is a useful way to get people to make connections to larger 
issues than their own circumstances. But for the Dalai Lama, 
listening to the story of a peasant's poverty--even one who 
lived a thousand miles away--is a nightmare that must be 
awoken from immediately.

Note: Anna Louise Strong, Tibetan Interviews. New World 
Press: Peking, 1959, p. 30.

* * *


The Missouri chapter of the Revolutionary Anti-Imperialist 
League and the National Black United Front (NBUF) hosted a 
delegation led by AIM leader Dennis Banks on March 22 in St. 
Louis. A crowd of about 60 people gathered for the weekly 
Sunday Forum organized by the NBUF which included a video 
and talk about the African origins of Christianity. 

In 1968, Dennis Banks and George Mitchell, two Anishinabes 
(Chippewas), founded the American Indian Movement (AIM), 
which was consciously patterned after the Black Panther 
Party's community self-defense model. AIM chapters quickly 
sprang up around the country and came to include 
representatives from at least sixty four First Nation 
tribes. Despite murderous U.$. government repression, AIM 
fights on for the political, economic, and cultural self-
determination of First Nation peoples.

When the First Nation delegation arrived they received a 
standing ovation from the audience. Banks delivered an 
inspiring speech which started with; "When the white man 
came here, he had the Bible and we had the land; now we have 
their Bible and they have our land! Christianity has been 
used against us and other peoples to conquer us. They did it 
which their ideology (Christianity) and military (the gun)." 

Banks noted the similarity between the First Nations fight 
for land and Black demands for reparations. In the case of 
all oppressed nations within Amerika, their common enemy is 
Amerikan imperialism. For over 500 years the white nation 
has sided with First Nation genocide and Black Slavery in 
efforts to raise the material conditions of only the White 
Amerikan oppressor nation. This is why MIM says that 
Amerikan oppression is national oppression. The only way to 
take back land and reparations is to unite around national 
liberation struggles and throw off Amerikan Imperialism(1). 
In terms of the current struggle for land rights, Banks said 
that the u.$. government has offered First Nations millions 
of dollars for formal rights to land; showing the U$ under 
international pressure to make stealing of land look nice. 
In response he upheld the righteous line that "Our land is 
not for sale."

Making another connection between Amerikan imperialism and 
national oppression, he described Jericho '98 as a movement 
to free prisoners incarcerated for political activism in the 
united snakes. "The first political prisoners in this 
country were indigenous peoples. Eleven Indian (SIC) couples 
were incarcerated on Alcatraz Island for refusing to send 
their children to the white man's schools." Banks noted the 
common link between Black and First Nations peoples; "They 
forbade us to use our own language, practice our religion 
and continue our culture." The injustice system has been 
used to disproportionately imprison members of the Black, 
Latino and First Nations in efforts to destroy any 
resistance against oppression. 

Banks talked about the past leaders such as Chief Joseph who 
was imprisoned by the united states because he dared to 
fight for justice for his tribe. "Leonard Peltier, he's been 
in prison 22 years when all the evidence points to his 
innocence," Banks said.

The event was productive in exposing Amerikan oppression. We 
call to all those who support the struggle of the First 
Nations to expand their historical vision to the millions of 
other people belonging to the Black and Latino nations who 
have been subjected to the same exploitation and genocide at 
the hands of U$ domestic imperialism. And further, we call 
to all those activists to struggle against the innately 
oppressive nature of imperialism not just in Amerika, but 
also the exploitation and oppression of our comrades abroad. 

Notes: MIM Theory 7, p. 72.

* * *


by a RAIL comrade

Conditions at Walpole prison in Massachusetts have been 
getting worse and worse over the past year: prisoners are 
being killed, tortured and harassed. Walpole prison has 
several blocks that have been locked down since last summer, 
these are called gang blocks. Six prisoners have died under 
these conditions which have been medically proven to cause 
sensory deprivation. The inmates of Walpole have been 
receiving phony disciplinary tickets more and more recently. 
"Gang" block inmates have been repeatedly attacked by guards 
and instances of guards accompanied by attack dogs, going 
into individual's cells to beat prisoners have increased 
recently. Books and other personal items have been 
confiscated for no reason other than harassment. And 
prisoners have even complained of being verbally attacked on 
their way to the health service unit.

On March 5, 1998 guards in riot gear shook one of the "gang" 
blocks down and took ten inmates from their cells to the 
segregation units where they were locked down without 
recreation, exercise, showers, or phones. The next five to 
six days following this incident this entire "gang" block 
was locked down, meaning all the prisoners within the block 
went five to six days without sheets, towels, jumpsuits, or 
clothing of any kind other than their underwear. Prisoners 
reported that a door was left open somewhere on the block to 
let in a cold breeze, many prisoners are sick as a result.

On March 11, 1998 after days of the above-mentioned 
mistreatment, the prisoners rioted. The prisoners who had 
previously been allowed to leave their cells for food pick-
up rebelled by refusing to leave their cells. They threw 
what little food they had out of their cells and trashed the 
block. These inmates demanded the food be brought to them as 
the law requires for prisoners "awaiting action". Within two 
hours after the riot started the special operations guards 
came in wearing masks and carrying shields and billy clubs 
accompanied by attack dogs. The guards beat prisoners and 
took what little private property they had left in their 
cells. This riot then turned into a two and a half day 
hunger strike. During this time many prisoners were taken 
out of their cells and severely beaten and/or bit by the 
guards and their dogs. For three days following the initial 
riot, during the hunger strike, these inmates were kept in 
their individual cells with one pair of boxers, one t-shirt, 
a pair of sandals, one bed sheet, one pillow case, and 
nothing else. 

On March 13, 1998 a few prisoners were removed from their 
cells and negotiated with the administration in order to 
"restore calm" and so that they would be allowed to pick up 
their meals once again. The same day these negotiations were 
being made, a number of prisoners were transferred to the 
segregation units. The next day the prisoners remaining in 
the "gang block" were allowed their first shower in nine 
days. A couple days later they were given towels, jumpsuits, 
blankets, and allowed recreation.

Later that same month prisoners were taken out of their 
cells and interrogated by administration and guards. They 
were asked if they were planning anything, if they wanted to 
go the superintendent about anything. Prisoners responded 
saying that they wanted those inmates who had been 
transferred to segregation to be transferred back.

A man in a suit offered prisoners a deal, claiming they 
would be transferred to Program level 4, if they cooperated 
and renounced membership to the Netas, historically a Puerto 
Rican organization that works on behalf of prisoners. The 
DOC in Massachusetts and other states likes to call Neta a 
dangerous and criminal gang and uses membership in it as an 
excuse to oppress prisoners. The result is that in 
Massachusetts, Puerto Rican prisoners face tremendous 
repression and make up over 90% of those locked down in the 
"gang" block. 

The prisoners were threatened with worse conditions if they 
declined the offer. When prisoners refused the offer, the 
man in the suit ordered that those prisoners be taken to the 
gym. Prisoners were shoved down stairs while handcuffed and 
shackled. They were punched and dragged or lifted by the 
neck, while guards also shouted derogatory remarks and 
racial epithets toward them. Once in the gym the prisoners 
were told to stand with their faces pressed against the wall 
and told not to turn around. Prisoners stood and listened as 
each one was taken from the wall and beaten by guards and 
bit by dogs. This is a type of torture tactic that has been 
used many times throughout the history of military-state 

After over an hour of terrorizing beatings the prisoners 
were told not to tell the medical staff if they had any 
injuries. A few weeks after the beatings, prisoner rights 
activists gained access to this gang block and interviewed 
some of those who had been beaten. Pictures were taken of 
the injuries which prisoners received from the beatings as 
proof that the beatings occurred. The DOC still claims they 
know nothing about the incident even when asked how these 
injuries occurred. The pictures reveal chain bruises on 
prisoner's ankles and wrists, strangulation bruises around 
their necks, general bruises on their arms and legs, and 
many prisoners had chunks of skin bitten off by the dogs. A 
nurse who reportedly tried to intervene and help prisoners 
was told this incident and its results were a security 

This latest repression at Walpole just serves to underscore 
the use of prisons as a tool for national oppression and 
social control in the united snakes. Prisons are not being 
used to rehabilitate criminals and create better people, 
prisoners are beaten and tortured as the system attempts to 
convince them not to fight the system by meeting any 
resistance with repression. 

The prison system in the u.s. is a political system that 
serves imperialism. MIM fights to overthrow the entire 
system of imperialism and replace it with a system of 
justice by the people. Those who commit crimes against the 
people should be dealt with by the people not by an 
imperialist government. MIM looks to the example of 
socialist China under Mao as a model for developing a 
justice system run by and for the people (for more 
information on the prison system in China send MIM $10 for a 
copy of "Prisoners of Liberation"). 

Join MIM and RAIL in this fight against the criminal 
injustice system as we work to improve conditions for the 
$1.7 million behind bars while we struggle to overthrow 

Note: Interview with prisons activist organization. For 
further information on the criminal injustice system see MIM 
Theory 11 "Amerikkkan Prisons on Trial" available for $6 
from MIM Distributors.

* * *


The organization Palestine 50 held a rally April 25 in 
Boston to protest 50 years of Israeli occupation of 
Palestine. "50 years ago Palestine was destroyed," their 
flier read, declaring that those who celebrate the birth of 
the Israeli state also "celebrate the destruction of 
Palestine. In 1948, Israel was carved out of 77% of 
Palestine, the homeland of the Palestinian people. This 
conquest resulted in the destruction of over 500 Palestinian 
communities and caused more than half the world's 
Palestinians to be exiled to refugee camps."

Pigs fear anti-imperialists

At the Justice for Palestine rally there were many cops, on 
motorcycles, in cars, on foot and undercover. So many pigs 
to control a crowd of about 300 people. While at the Israel 
celebration where tens of thousands of people were in 
attendance with many literature tables, performances and 
live music, few cops were visible.

The cops are correct to fear the anti-imperialists and 
consider the pro-Israeli crowd to be allies of Amerikan 
imperialism. Backers of the Israel celebration included Bank 
Boston and the City of Boston. While the city bent over 
backward to make it possible for the Israel celebration to 
be held on public property, they went out of their way to 
try to interfere with and control the Palestine rally. And, 
demonstrating the strength of the forces on the side of the 
state of Israel, the organizers spent $170,000 to stage the 

The Palestine 50 flier went on:

"Israel has used terror, military force, and law to repress 
the Palestinian people. Israel's Supreme Court legalized 
torture (Criminal File 201/93) and determined that the price 
of a Palestinian life is worth 1 cent (1. Badran Case Nov. 
96). Methods that Israel has employed in order to rule 
include assassination, deportation, arbitrary imprisonment 
without charge or trial, confiscation of land, demolition of 
houses, and the strangulation of economic, educational and 
cultural life.

"In 1967, under the guise of security, Israel occupied the 
remaining 23% of Palestine. Consequently, all Palestinians 
became victims of Israeli terror. Today, approximately 5 
million Palestinians live in exile while 3 million live 
under occupation in the West Bank and Gaza. In 1987, after 
decades of organized resistance against the occupation, 
unarmed Palestinians confronted and defied Israeli soldiers 
in the popular uprising known as the Intifada. The Intifada 
sought to obtain for Palestinians their right to self-
determination, to an independent state, and to return to 
their homeland.

"In 1993, the Oslo Accords claimed to usher in an era of 
peace. Instead, a new type of occupation has been 
legitimized. Israel forced the Palestinian Authority to act 
as its surrogate against the Palestinian people. This new 
type of occupation and oppression has created a series of 
ghettos, where economic growth is blocked, humanity is 
denied, and where justice and peace are rendered 

Protests such as this one are particularly important in this 
country because of the significant financial, military and 
political aid the u.s. gives to Israel. "Israel could not 
continue its reprehensible conduct without support from our 
government. Israel is the largest U.S. aid recipient. Since 
1981, much of its economic and military assistance has been 
awarded in the form of outright grants. Every year over $3 
billion of our tax dollars are sent to Israel and Israel is 
not required to account for how this money is put to use."

Reactionary policy of censorship

MIM supports the Palestinian people's struggle for self-
determination and a MIM distributor attended the rally in 
solidarity with the message and to distribute flyers about 
an upcoming local event on another aspect of u.s. 
imperialism: prison slave labor.

After handing out only a few flyers the MIM distributor was 
told by an organizer that s/he was not welcome at the rally. 
The group, Palestine 50, had decided on a policy of not 
allowing other organizations to distribute their literature 
or carry their signs. When the MIM distributor tried to 
struggle over the issue the organizer just walked away.

This policy treats people like they are too stupid to figure 
out for themselves which politics are progressive. And it 
discourages the expansion of the struggle beyond one 
specific issue, leaving the global implementation of 
imperialism to the Amerikan government while the activists 
can only talk about one issue at a time. 

A few people with the Workers World party showed up with a 
banner. They were told they could only stay if they got rid 
of the banner. When they tried to struggle over this with 
the organizers, one of the leaders apparently told an 
undercover cop to get rid of the WW people. The other 
leaders did put a stop to this ridiculous use of the pigs 
but stood by the policy of no banners or literature from 
other groups.

MIM condemns any policy that restricts political struggle 
and debate among those opposed to imperialism. For its part, 
MIM pays to print literature of other groups in its theory 
journal so that our readers can judge for themselves which 
side of the debate is correct. And at our events we allow 
literature distribution from other organizations.

Palestine 50 is limiting the ability of the anti-
imperialists in this country to strengthen their political 
line and unite their practice around common opposition to 
imperialism. A number of people at the rally told MIM they 
oppose this practice of censorship and MIM encourages the 
membership of Palestine 50 to change the policy.

* * *


By a comrade

Across the U.$., lotteries had $36 billion in sales in 1997. 
That's more than $130 per person, which is more than the 
total per capita income of some poor countries. After 
expenses and prizes, governments profited to the tune of $12 

Two articles by the Washington Post gave us some good new 
information. In the Washington D.C. area, like elsewhere, 
there is an inverse relation between education and lottery 
spending, for very good reason: playing the lottery is a bad 
investment. People with less education are more likely to 
play the lottery, and more likely to waste more money on it 
once they do play. In 1997, D.C. reaped $69 million in 
profits from $203 million in sales. That's a good incentive 
for the government not to improve education: it's a $203 
million tax on poor education.

The Post listed D.C. lottery sales by zip code. MIM got the 
percent of Blacks in the population for each zip code from 
Census data, and checked the relationship between percent 
Black and lottery spending: It's clear. Seven zip codes are 
less than 10% Black, and none of them produced more than $5 
million in lottery spending last year. The seven zip codes 
between 40-80% Black all had between $4.8-$10 million, and 
all the zip codes with more than $10 million lottery 
spending were more than 80% Black. (No zip codes are between 
10- 40% Black.) See the graph.

The Post compared lottery spending with income levels, but 
MIM analyzed both income and Black population for the zip 
codes. We found that the proportion of the population that 
is Black is a much bigger factor in lottery spending than 
income. It looks to us like it's not just that people with 
lower incomes want to play the lottery more to get rich, but 
that lottery marketing toward Blacks is paying off, and the 
lower quality of education for Blacks is not teaching people 
that the lottery is a waste of money.

Anthony Williams, D.C. chief financial officer, said it's 
"troubling" that there are "people who make less than 
$15,000 a year and a huge percent of their income is going 
for playing." Maryland Gov. Parris Glendening said it was 
"sad." Yet D.C. and Maryland have plans to specifically 
target Blacks and Latinos in lottery marketing campaigns.

Overall, vast lottery spending in the country is a sign of 
parasitism and decadence in the country. However, poor 
members of the internal colonies, especially Blacks, spend 
more of their money on them, which is just another way that 
the government increases inequality and national oppressed.

Notes: Washington Post articles from May 3 and May 4, 1998. 
Zip code data are from the Census Bureau at 
MIM's analysis also controlled for population size, in case 
the Black zip codes just had more people living in them. To 
see the details of MIM's statistical analysis, go to

* * * 


by RC784

The Rwandan state recently executed four individuals found 
responsible for acts of genocide during the Rwandan civil 
war (1990-94). The Rwandan civil war of the early 1990s 
killed over a million Hutus and Tutsis and was undeniably a 
human tragedy. But the purpose of the International Tribunal 
for Rwanda (hereafter referred to as 'the Tribunal'), 
created by Western imperialist nations in the UN, is not 
about establishing justice and preventing genocide in 
Africa. The Tribunal's real purpose is to dupe the masses 
into believing that imperialist oppressor nations really 
"care" for the Afrikan masses. 

The nations which are known today as Rwanda and Burundi were 
once colonies of Belgium. Prior to 1916, Ruanda-Urundi were 
two kingdoms of similar ethnic composition - 85% Hutu, 14% 
Tutsi, and 1% Twa - ruled over by a common Tutsi king. While 
Tutsis were the dominant group, Hutus and Tutsis spoke the 
same language and fought together against common enemies.(1)

The Rwandan civil war cannot be properly understood without 
its imperialist context. As was the case throughout Africa, 
the colonial master picked one group, the Tutsis in this 
case, to rule over the other ethnic groups in the interest 
of the oppressor nation. Belgium called the shots, and the 
Tutsi administration pulled the trigger. The Belgians 
offered adequate incentives to turn the Tutsis against the 
Hutus and created the justification that the Tutsis are 
biologically superior to the Hutus, thus creating previously 
unknown chauvinism between these two groups (1) 

Though the Belgians were forced to grant nominal 
independence to Rwanda in the 1950s, the Rwandans inherited 
an imperialist-designed economy. As late as 1989, the 
Rwandan economy received 80% of its foreign exchange 
holdings from one crop - coffee. But the global economic 
price of coffee dropped that year, and the Rwandan peasant 
found his/herself producing 45% more coffee for 20% less 

With Rwanda in crisis, Hutu leader Juvenal Habyarimana 
agreed to accept a structural adjustment loan from the IMF 
(on the nature and impact of IMF structural adjustment 
loans, see the article on Klinton in Afrika, MN 161). But 
IMF loans only made things worse: Rwanda's GDP fell by 8% in 
1993, its' national debt rose from $189 million in 1980 to 
$941 million, 85% of the population lived in poverty, and 
one-third of all children were malnourished.(2)

In this context the Rwandan Patriotic Army (RPA) decided to 
seize state power since the Tutsi exiles had been squeezed 
out of power by the imperialist backed Habyarimana's Hutu 
clique in 1973.(2) Many of the RPA leadership had held high 
positions in the Ugandan state apparatus under Yoweri 
Museveni including Paul Kagame, an Amerikan-trained general 
(at the U$ army staff college in Leavenworth, Kansas) and 
current defense minister and vice president of the Rwandan 
state. According to bourgeois media sources, Kagame is "just 
about the best friend Washington has in Africa these 
days."(3) It should be noted that the RPA, though having 
some Tutsi supporters within Rwanda, never had support of 
the Rwandan masses. The RPA did not build an alternate 
civilian political infrastructure in the regions under its 

What the imperialists try to sell as a solely fratricidal 
war between Hutu and Tutsi was, in fact, a war of 
imperialist rivalry. The RPA and Rwandan army served as 
proxies for either side. From 1989 onwards, Great Britain 
and the United Snakes supported the RPA while Belgium and 
France supported Habyarimana's ruling party and the National 
Republican Movement for Democracy and Development (MRNDD). 
Though Belgium and France would sell arms to both sides 
before the war was over to guarantee that whoever won would 
serve France's imperial interests. Unlike the French role in 
Rwanda, the U$ government is able to pretend that it had no 
hand in this affair because RPA supplies were routed through 
the Ugandan state as aid to Museveni's government.(4)

With its back against the wall, the MRNDD agreed to the 
Arusha (Tanzania) accords in August 1993 which would have 
required MRNDD to split government posts with the RPA. But 
the RPA, believing their victory was assured, refused to 
accept the accords. The MRNDD, knowing that the Rwandan 
National Guard could not hold back the RPA, distributed 
weapons to the Interhamwe and Imuzamugambi militias and 
municipal authorities to attack suspected RPA supporters. 
Killings and mass arrests occurred on both sides.(4)

In December 1993, The UN Security Council deployed troops to 
Rwanda (UNAMIR), not to "prevent genocide," but to be 
present when the capital Kigali, was seized by the RPA. 
Habyarimana was assassinated the day after the UN Security 
Council agreed to keep their troops in Rwanda (April 5, 
1994) long after the RPA victory was assured.(4) 

This is the way the oppressor nations tell their puppets, 
"Remember, you don't take power without our say-so." The 
imperialist-sponsored Tribunal has defined the civil war in 
Rwanda not as such but as a case of genocide. This provides 
the UN Security Council with a legal pretext to intervene in 
what would otherwise be considered a matter of Rwanda's 
national sovereignty. Even though the civil war began at the 
end of 1989 with an imperialist backed RPA invasion, the 
Tribunal is prosecuting only those Hutus who, during the 
last stage of the war (1994), killed those civilian Tutsis 
they considered RPA. In this way, the U$ can appear to be 
concerned about the death of everyday Afrikans and wipe out 
Habyarimana's clique, the puppets of Belgian and French 

The Tribunal consists of Afrikan judges, but it is largely 
funded by the U$, staffed with Amerikan prosecutors and 
investigators, and assisted with Amerikan intelligence 
information.(4) NGOs (non-governmental organizations) like 
Amnesty International, Africa Watch and Oxfam have been 
lending credibility to the UN effort despite the fact that 
their own reports state that no such ethnic massacres would 
have occurred had it not been for the RPA invasion.(4)

The bourgeois media ignores these facts, and it is up to MIM 
to expose imperialist lies to the masses. Human Rights Watch 
is concerned not with ending imperialism, just imperialist 
rivalries, as they expose the fact that France, Zaire, South 
Africa, and China are rearming the defeated Hutu faction 
while ignoring U$ military support for Kagame and President 
Pasteur Bizimungu in Rwanda.(5) The Tribunal is intended to 
support the notion that, "so long as Hutu and Tutsi are left 
to themselves, the killing will continue."(6) But MIM knows 
that imperialism is the principal cause of murder in the 
world today. Imperialists should be put in trial by the 
people for their role in the genocide in Rwanda and around 
the world. Only when the people overthrow imperialism and 
seize power to build socialism will this justice be 

1. Andrew Purvis, "Roots of Genocide: Why Hutu and Tutsi 
Cannot Live in Peace," Time, August 5, 1996, p. 57. 
2. Barry Crawford, "Rwanda: Myth and Reality," 
3. Marcus Mabry, "An American Empire?," Newsweek, December 
2, 1996, p. 46. 
4. Barry Crawford, op. cit. 
5. Human Rights Watch, "Rearming With Impunity: 
International Support for the Perpetrators of Rwandan 
Genocide, 05/29/95,"http:\\ 
African_S.../Urgent_Action / DC _ Hrite _Rwnda.html. 
6. Andrew Purvis, op. cit. 

* * *


The Supreme Court recently dismissed a challenge to a law 
governing the citizenship status of children of unmarried 
u.$. citizens born abroad. The law grants citizenship to 
such children if their mother was a u.$. citizen but not if 
their father was. According to the Supreme Court, "The 
biological differences between single men and single women 
provide a relevant basis for differing rule governing their 
ability to confer citizenship on children born in foreign 
lands." This is a patriarchal excuse for national oppression 
and imperialism.

The patriarchal part of the logic behind the Supreme Court's 
Argument is that "boys will be boys." U.$. men can take 
advantage of the booming prostitution industry in the Third 
World, for example, and never know about the existence of 
children fathered by them. 

Imperialism requires that the u.$ state be zealous about 
defending the integrity of u.$. citizenship. The Supreme 
Court is frightened by the prospect of wimmin from oppressed 
nations claiming that their children were fathered by u.$. 
men - whether or not such a prospect is realistic.

As MIM explained in MIM Theory 10 and investigates further 
in an upcoming MIM Theory, Amerika's militarized border and 
its support for repressive governments abroad create the 
conditions for the super-exploitation of workers in the 
Third World. Because the "Amerikan way of life" depends on 
this super-exploitation, the Amerikan imperialists and their 
allies in the labor aristocracy are choosy about who they 
allow to enjoy the perks of u.$. citizenship.

One of the key tasks of socialism in North America will be 
to open the borders. Allowing workers from the Third World 
to move here unhindered and take jobs will strengthen the 
dictatorship of the proletariat and help make the principle 
of proletarian internationalism concrete.

Note: Boston Globe, April 19, 1998

* * *




...They have a UNICOR factory here, but I work mopping up in 
the dorm and make $12.00 a month. Because this is a Camp, 
they try to send as many of us as possible to work at the 
army base in Ft. McCollum which is Anniston, Alabama. 
Inmates on that detail have to get on an army bus at 7 a.m. 
and ride for one hour. They work doing landscape and stuff 
and then at 2 p.m. head back to the camp. That detail is the 

...There are some legal materials here but this facility has 
the worst law library out of the five or so places I have 
been. Only one typewriter works for 400 people that are 
here. We are triple cubed here. Meaning three men to an 
eight by ten foot cube with three lockers and a desk -- not 
much room. Six toilets in a dorm for 100-110 guys and the 
showers have no doors or curtains for privacy.

 -- An Alabama Prisoner, 22 March 1998


...Every time I get shipped somewhere now, my property gets 
raped. This time, they got me for my main legal/research 
notebook. It also contained all my addresses and phone 
numbers, various data, business plans and ideas and more 
accounts of prison atrocities.

I guess their subliminal message was, "Forget about your 
family, dreams and trying to get out."

...They won't allow me to get legal documents copied to send 
to lawyers, officials or journalists. Only to the courts 
they say. This "policy" is contrary to ALL the laws in the 
land and even other Florida prisons.

They're trying to keep me in a pro se status. When I 
submitted legal mail to attorneys and legal organizations, 
they sent them back to me saying I needed to put stamps on 

When I filed a complaint, citing rule/laws entitling 
indigents to free legal mailings, they then replied that I'd 
have to go through a "counselor". Their own handbook says 
nothing of this, nor does state institution law or other 
prisons. Legal letters are supposed to be mailed promptly 
and unhindered. Since these "counselors" rarely come by my 
dungeon, I guess they want me to beg. I'm in Isolation 
(without a disciplinary report and no investigation), and 
it's hard to get them to bring a request form, so calling a 
counselor is a joke.

On a trip to medical, I managed to speak to some of my 
fellow felons. They say I'm being singled out for something, 
because they're not having this problem.

In addition, officers wouldn't verify that my stamped 
letters to the media were mailed. I'm not allowed to use the 
phone. I can't even call you. Where's freedom of speech?

Inmates say I must have done something to become a threat to 
the administration. I can't imagine what. All I'm trying to 
do is get their laws applied to my sentence so I can go 
home. It's hard enough trying to get out by the law. Yet, I 
have these myrmidons creating their own policy. I have 
little hope....

 -- A Florida Prisoner, 22 March 1998


...In all the prisons [in New York], the prison 
administrators in Albany set up a system to rob prisoners of 
five dollars. It is the so-called surcharge on misbehavior 
reports. From every misbehavior report the prison guards 
write against a prisoner, it cost the prisoner five dollars. 
So the prison guards go out of their way to look for 
unnecessary fault or trouble.

Gathered together, 15 to 20 prison guards jump on one 
prisoner and then charge him for assault on them, and put 
him in punitive segregation for many years.

Now, with control of all inmate accounts, the people who 
administer over it rob us for at least two to three thousand 
dollars a day. And remember we are supposed to be the 

With the commissary, every commissary purchase they rip off 
at least two thousand dollars from us. People, your sons and 
daughters are not safe in the hands of the people who are 
supposed to be protecting us....

 -- A New York Prisoner 27 February 1998


...Recently I was transferred to Wabash Valley Correctional 
Facility in Carlisle, Indiana. I was given a bogus court 
report and sent to the SHU [Segregated Housing Unit]. I was 
given a year disciplinary segregation, a month commissary 
restriction and loss of credit time earned. 

Since being on the SHU I have lost 10 pounds. This is 
because the correctional institution feeds us with outdated 
and expired food. Non-nutritional food it precooked three 
days in advance and then reheated and served to us. And the 
oppressive regime that runs this place condones and 
contributes to the systemic problems here. This "Good Old 
Boy" Network is out of control!!! 

The struggle continues,

-- An Indiana Prisoner, 9 February, 1998


Dear Friends in the Struggle,

...I sit here in this dungeon of the TDCJ, better known by 
the oppressed and tortured as the Texas Department of 
Corruption's and Injustices. Yes, sitting here and having to 
put up with having my food denied to me. Because these pigs, 
swine, and so-called setters of "upright" ways have decided 
that just because I am a homosexual and because I practice 
my preferred sexual practices. They who are so "upright" in 
their own eyes will punish me, in violation of their own 
laws, by refusing me food -- not just one meal but all three 

These pigs are only trying to correct me, when they are 
themselves are acting in an incorrect and lawless way. In 
effect pigs are saying, "You will obey, not by our example, 
but by what we say you should do."

So what they are trying to say in words and actions is that 
they think they have the right (given to them by God) to 
make rules and have us abide by them while they do just as 
they wish.

In the struggle for Liberation, 

-- A Texas Prisoner, 7 April 1998


The U.$. Supremacist Court in the past has ruled that when 
the government incarcerates a citizen in jail or prison, it 
is bound to the provision of adequate treatment of medical 
problems. As with all rulings favoring the rights of 
citizens, that one has been blatantly violated from the day 
it was first written. Across the nation, citizens spend 
hundreds of millions of dollars each year to pay and 
maintain the best medical equipment on the market for prison 
clinics, tons of medications, and wages exorbitantly high 
for people who call themselves doctors, nurses and physician 
assistants. Though some of the "nurses" and "doctors" 
actually have managed, with aid of prison pressure upon 
licensing agencies to obtain licenses, the sad fact is that 
the vast majority of prison "health care" staff are ignorant 
of actual medical problems and medical care. They do not 
know how to use the expensive equipment. They do not know 
how to use the medications. They could not hold a medical 
job in the free world more than a few weeks at a time. They 
steal the medications and sell them on the free-world black 
market. They purposely torture, and even kill the prisoners 
who seek medical help. And now, despite the Supremacist 
Court's prior rulings to the contrary, they have passed laws 
and made rules such that in the future every time a prisoner 
asks for medical help he/she will be required to pay for 
asking. Note carefully: We must pay for asking for medical 
help, not for getting it! We still do not get any medical 
treatment, pay or no pay.

...Prison labor in Texas is compulsory and any and all hints 
of resistance are immediately and severely punished. After 
all, this is not a system of criminal justice, but a high 
profit money making corporation, even if it is costing the 
taxpayers billions.

I don't know who told you that some Texas prisoners make 24 
cents an hour, but I highly recommend that you not let that 
person in on any of your business. S/he is a flat out liar 
and probably on the TDC's payroll. NO prisoner in the Texas 
slave plantations is paid even a single cent - EVER - for 
the slave labor we are forced to perform!! Anyone who tells 
you differently is lying, just like the TDC industries lie 
on their annual budgets about the thousands of dollars each 
is paid by the taxpayers "for inmate labor." No inmate ever 
sees any of that money, and it is never returned to the 
treasury. You'll just have to guess where it goes. Yes, we 
have to pay for our own toiletries, but not for medications- 
which are virtually non-existent. I am not currently 
assigned to a prison industry job, but I have been. 
Prisoners are required to work from 5 to 7 days a week, from 
8 to 12 hours a day- rarely more than 12 depending on job 
and circumstances. Working conditions are: You do what you 
are told, when you are told, and how you are told, no matter 
how unsafe or dangerous, no matter how stupid, no matter how 
unproductive, no matter how illegal, and you do not question 
orders, or else!

There are profit industries on every Texas prison unit.... 
The guards treat us, for the most part, as if they have been 
carefully taught to believe that we are their personal 
property, to be treated however they please. One of the 
primary requirements a person must meet before being hired 
to work in a prison is to prove he/she is a sado-masochist 
whose greatest pleasures in life are hurting and degrading 
people. They are then told when hired that in prison they 
can exercise all their fantasies without fear of reprisal. 

It is virtually impossible to start any real study group 
because if the guards see three or more men talking together 
at a time, they quickly act to break it up.

 -- A Texas Prisoner, 12 January 1998


* The following statement was sent to RAIL to be read at the 
Criminal Injustice System teach-in. Look for more of these 
statements in Future issue of Under Lock and Key *

Comrades, friends, fellow anti-imperialists,

Let me send a very warm, sincere and Red salute out to each 
and every one of you here today at this RAIL teach-in in the 
aftermath of the JERICHO rally. I am one of the listed 
political prisoners that JERICHO was organized around. I am 
part of a group of women and men who came to be known as the 
Ohio-7. We were captured in 1984 and convicted of being 
members of the United Freedom Front (UFF), which was a 
clandestine anti-imperialist organization active in the 70's 
and 80's. The UFF took responsibility for assaulting racist 
and repressive institutions like apartheid era South African 
government offices, U.S. military installations, and war 
profiteer corporations like IBM, GE, and Union Carbide, that 
support and benefit from U.S. imperialism.

We, the 200 or so political prisoners whose release this 
JERICHO rally demanded, come from numerous movements and 
organizations. The central issue that unites all of us, and 
that makes it so appropriate for me to be sending you these 
words, is that we all see U.S. imperialism as our common and 
deadly enemy. The majority of political prisoners come from 
the struggles of oppressed nations fighting for self-
determination and freedom. BLA members in captivity for the 
struggle to liberate the oppressed African Nation within the 
U.S. Independentistas of the FALN fighting to end 
colonialism in Puerto Rico, AIM and other Indian 
organizations members continuing the battle against genocide 
and for sovereignty of Native Peoples and Nations. 
Additionally organizations like Red Guerrilla Resistance and 
the UFF explicitly and concretely supported these national 
liberation efforts, as well as other freedom struggles like 
the war against apartheid, support for the Palestinians, and 
for the Nicaraguan and El Salvadoran people in their battles 
against U.S. imperialism.

This anti-imperialist worldview, which includes resisting 
the injustices and exploitation of all poor and oppressed 
people within the USA, continues to unite us political 
prisoners behind these walls. This is also why I am 
especially pleased to be here, even if only in spirit and 
yea, I definitely would rather be here in person, with you 
righteous anti-imperialists of the RAIL. Speaking as a 
captured guerrilla and political prisoner, I want to stress 
that unity along a core analysis of anti-imperialism, with 
other similarly oriented organizations, either strategically 
when possible or at least tactically on specific issues, is 
the way we should further build our Freedom Struggle. The 
fight for human rights and freedom for political prisoners 
is closely tied to the overall struggle against the U.S. 
prison system. With over 1.7 million people in prisons and 
another 4 plus million on bail, parole or probation, prisons 
and the entire so called justice system in America is 
becoming an ever more important and ugly part of the 
repressive machine that keeps this system rolling.

Political prisoners are often subjected to the most 
horrendous types of imprisonment: kept for years in control 
and isolation units, exiled far from families, brutalized, 
and of course given huge sentences. But even if all of the 
200 JERICHO named people were to be released immediately, we 
would still need to wage a serious battle against the U.S. 
prison system. Because America is a racist, oppressive, and 
unjust system, based on economic, social and political 
inequality, the prisons are packed full of Blacks, Latinos 
and Native Americans, in huge disproportion to their numbers 
in society. That's not to say that there are not hundreds of 
thousands of poor whites in prison also -- there are, but 
the colonial nature of the U.S. is clear in every prison in 
America. And the prisons of course, are but the last car in 
a long railroad that begins with laws, police, prosecutors, 
courts and judges, that all are geared to single out, trap 
and confine people from oppressed nations. And of course 
this entire justice system is but one facet of the overall 
injustice and inequality of U.S. imperialist society.

So in closing, let me extend my solidarity and the 
solidarity of all Political prisoners. We have a lot of 
struggle ahead and I look forward to continuing to work with 
you all. Let us recognize that JERICHO 98 is an historic 
event, the first national rally to demand the release of all 
political prisoners by a broad coalition of the left in the 
U.S. Let's build on this as we develop further revolutionary 
unity in the battles against the prison system and U.S. 
imperialism overall.


Jaan Karl Laaman - Ohio-7 political prisoner, Leavenworth 
federal prison, February 1998.



I would not address this situation except that I truly want 
the news you print. I noticed you wrote of COINTELPRO still 
being in business.

Anyway, I was denied MIM Notes because the last page was 
written in Spanish. According to Army Regulation 190-47, 
USDB Reg. 28-1 and USDB reg. 600-1, of the reasons to reject 
mail is "is a non-English publication." page 32 of the MGI 
(Manual for the Guidance of Inmates).

In accordance with regulations I submitted a request to the 
Director of Inmate Affairs (DIA) asking to be allowed your 
paper. They answered, "I do not approve your request. 
Foreign Language material is not authorized except 

The MGI had stated on page 14 that, "[E]xceptions will be 
granted where adequate safeguards can be employed without 
disruption to the facility....Exceptions will be approved in 
writing by DIA."

A 10th Circuit Federal Court (Kansas, 10th Circuit) found 
that, "the English language rule seriously infringed upon 
protected First and Fourteenth Amendment interests without 
being necessary to any legitimate penalogical purpose."

...Maybe you could write to the Commandant Col. Marvin L. 
Nickels at: United States Disciplinary Barracks, 310 
McPherson Ave, Ft. Leavenworth, KS 66027-1363.

 -- A Military Prisoner, 8 April 1998


Greetings from the Mind Control Kamp (Northern Correctional 
Institution). I'm in receipt of all literature and papers 
sent. Unfortunately I could not respond due to 
correspondence sanctions.

I did receive your packet informing me of material being 
rejected. Yes, I did file a complaint, and it has been 
resolved by the Mail Room Supervisor. At first she tried to 
tell me that nothing had been rejected, but upon showing her 
your letter, she quickly recanted. Since that time I have 
received MIM Notes.

...No reason was ever given as to why the you sent was 
rejected, but I'm trying to find out why....

In struggle, 

-- A Connecticut Prisoner, 4 March 1998


Thank you for forwarding me the newsletters dated February 1 
and 15, 1998 (No. 155 and 156). I still have not received 
them because these fascist individuals and their so-called 
"Facility Media Review Committee" have held them up. They 
have found the following two articles unacceptable: "Oppose 
the Amerikan Lockdown - Michigan Prisoner Raped by His 
Captors" and "Brutal Beating in Missouri - Expose the Pigs".

I am in the process of challenging this issue due to the 
violation of my 14th Amendment and infringes upon my rights 
under the 1st Amendment. This only goes to show that they 
don't uphold their own laws....

 -- A New York Prisoner, 6 April 1998


...I was written up for allegedly passing your papers along 
with my revolutionary writings. As a result your papers were 

Cornell v. Woods 69 F3d 1383 8th Cir. 1995: Prisoner was 
transferred in retaliation for exercising his first 
amendment right by talking and cooperating with the prison 
internal affairs division. Between him and his attorney the 
won an award of over 31,000.

...The level of censorship can be measured in this 
institution but the level of racism is astronomical. I filed 
grievances and they were not even processed according to 
policy. They were simply stamped and returned without a 
grievance number. Thereby inmates cannot remedy staff 

I'm left with no logical alternative than to sue this 
institution to right a terrible wrong and insure that all 
inmates will be entitled to a safe, secure, and harassment-
free environment. Where all can enjoy the right to breathe 

...I was written up for expressing my own political views 
and for having papers which this institution let come into 
the jail. When I left the hole, I asked for my mail. I was 
informed that it was destroyed. That alone denied me access 
to the courts.

Guards here seem to have some kind of quota to make when it 
comes to filing misconduct reports. One inmate was written 
up for looking at a guard. Another was written up because a 
guard spoke to him and he did not speak back. Another for 
hanging his clothes line. Misconducts for the most part are 
frivolous. Inmates are written up for the most trivial 

Most misconducts are unwarranted and routine. Captains, 
Lieutenants, and Sergeants provide officers with 
instructions on how to describe an incident. They encourage 
officers to lie in order to magnify the incident to make the 
misconduct sound more serious than it is to the hearing 
examiner. These frivolous write-ups will have an enormous 
impact on inmates when they come up for parole....

 -- A Pennsylvania Prisoner, 5 February 1998

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