MIM NOTES No. 197, November 1, 1999 Study denounces waiver of juveniles to adult court As the U.$. Congress hammers out the final wording of the youth crime bill it has considered since April, a new study released by the Justice Policy Institute (JPI) denounces one of the gross practices heralded by the pending legislation -- the ability of prosecutors to decide whether to try juveniles in adult or juvenile court. In most states, this power resides with the judge. In some, the law makes the cases get waived to adult court, based on the crime. But in 15 states, including Florida, upon which the study is based, prosecutors can make this decision on a case-by-case basis. In 1998, Florida prosecutors sent 4,660 children to adult court, ranking them first in the country in this practice.(1) "In 1995, in the 36 states where judges make the decision, a total of 9,700 juveniles were transferred to adult court. That same year, Florida prosecutors transferred 7,000."(2) The JPI assesses the failure of prosecutorial waiver by various empirical measures: Juvenile crime rates are higher, not lower, in states with this practice. And at the same time that the waivers are increasing, the number of cases going through the juvenile justice system continues to soar. Florida has the 6th highest juvenile incarceration rate per 100,000.(3) Finally, the JPI cites other studies showing that juveniles sent to adult prison are more likely to be arrested again than those sent to juvenile facilities. And they conclude the policy's failure based on moral/ethical grounds: The practice disproportionately targets oppressed nation youth -- with Blacks 2.3 times more likely than whites to be transferred to adult court.(4) The majority of cases transferred are for non-violent property crimes, not the violent cases for which the practice was supposedly created.(5) And the study reports that the suicide rate for youths is 7.7% higher when they are in adult instead of juvenile prisons.(6) Childhood and adulthood are socially defined categories, policed in the U.$. by a patriarchal and white supremacist state. Some acts are criminal only by virtue of the age of the "offender" -- running away, breaking a curfew, having sex. It is bad enough that this legal system decides who is and who is not a child, as in statutory rape laws. When they are considered youth, people are not permitted to control their own lives. So the laws exist to control all children. When they are no longer considered youth, they are oppressed or repressed in this country based primarily on national origin. So all children are paternalistically "protected," which really means their parents and relatives are protected from others having access to abuse them. But oppressed nation young people are more likely to be considered adults at an earlier age -- they are out of the frying pan and into the fire. When prosecutors are given the authority to determine who is a child and who is an adult, the system is exposed for its vengefulness, irrationality, and national oppression. For example, in cases where the legal system allows discretion, there is usually a bias against people convicted of committing crimes against those who are most protected by the system -- as in death penalties being most likely when the victims are white. While we believe the JPI study ends up painting too rosy a picture of the juvenile justice system by comparison, it is true that by mission and orientation the juvenile justice system claims to rehabilitate where the adult system exists -- by its own admission -- only to repress. When prosecutors decide to try children as adults in court, they are deciding against even the pretense of rehabilitation. And they are empowered to make that decision based on the supposed character of the individual or his/her crime. MIM also reports on this study to expose the ever-growing trend toward longer, worse sentences and increasing repression of youth and oppressed nations in general. In addition to pending federal law, "a ballot initiative which will go before California voters in March, 2000 (Proposition 6) would also grant prosecutors discretion to decide whether a juvenile should be tried in adult court."(7) Our criticisms of the criminal/juvenile injustice system are thorough and across the board. No one practice, if eliminated, would rehabilitate this vicious system. But studying the specific practices can expose the system's nature. Join MIM and RAIL's efforts to struggle against the injustice system. Notes: 1. "The Florida Experiment: An Analysis of the Impact of Granting Prosecutors Discretion to try Juveniles as Adults," Justice Policy Institute. Page 1. http://www.cjcj. org/jpi/florida.html. 2. Miami Herald, 28 Sept. 1999. 3. "The Florida Experiment," page 5. 4. "The Florida Experiment," page 3 5. "The Florida Experiment," p. 2 6. "The Florida Experiment," page 9 7. "New Study finds 'prosecutorial discretion waiver,' which is currently under consideration by Congress, disparately applied, ineffective at curbing crime," JPI Press Release, http://www.cjcj.org/jpi/floridapr.html