Studying the KGB and strategic confidence The Sword and the Shield: The Mitrokhin Archive and the Secret History of the KGB by Christopher Andrew and Vasili Mitrokhin NY: Basic Books, 1999, 700 pp. hb reviewed by PIRAO chief In another review, I explained some basic tactics of the KGB, CIA, and similar government agencies in the 20th century. Our readers need to know some of the "how-to" to understand all the fighting that goes on in the class war. In this review, I cover the political ground and how The Sword and Shield is relevant to communist strategic confidence in long-run victory. Strategic confidence and ideology "The retired British KGB agent George Blake wrote in 1990: 'Only a man who believes very strongly in an ideal and serves a great cause will agree to embark on such a career, though the word 'calling' is perhaps appropriate here. Only an intelligence service which works for a great cause can ask for such a sacrifice from its officers. That is why, as far as I know, at any rate in peacetime, only the Soviet intelligence service has 'illegal residents.'"(p. 9) The above is one reason that the communists can have strategic confidence in winning in the long run. Western officers had to be highly paid and would not endure the conditions of living illegally in other countries. Nor could they manage themselves over long periods of time, because they had no overarching vision. Andrew discusses how the ideological advantage was lost over time as more and more people came to believe that the Soviet Union had left the revolutionary road. Squandering of this particular advantage of struggle can be blamed on Khruschev and his successors. An example would be one of the first things Khruschev did when coming to power--canceling plans to assassinate Tito and attempting to reconciliate with his ideology of capitalism in the name of socialism. In 1955 Khruschev visited Tito and buried the hatchet.(p. 355) It was only years later under pressure from Mao and Hoxha (two leaders that started to see they could not just rely on the Soviet Union to do the right thing anymore) that Khruschev briefly sided with polemics against Tito. Mitrokhin's defection is an example of the price paid for Khruschevite thinking. Already in 1953 he remembers thinking Stalin was a "bandit." He even thought Khruschev was too involved with Stalin's "crimes."(p. 3) Mitrokhin is individual proof of what happens when one drops "the sword of Stalin" as Mao would say. He admits to having been influenced by the imperialist media.(p. 6) The question arises, that if the spy vs. spy stuff goes on and is even tolerated by both sides of a conflict up to a point, and the communists do not squander their ideological advantages, which side will prevail? If we believe the spin coming from Christopher Andrew and even computer strategy games like "Civilization," the communists are no good at running economies but they excel in spying. Andrew would have us think that Stalin in particular managed to bring the Soviet Union up to U.$. technical levels through spying--on the atomic bomb project, computers and all levels of ordinary technology as well. According to Andrew, however, the Soviet strategy still would not work: "the distortion of Soviet intelligence analysis derived, at root, from the nature of the one-party state and its inherent distrust of all opposing views. The Soviet Union thus found it more difficult than its Western rivals to understand, and therefore to use, the political intelligence it collected. Though the Soviet leadership never really understood the West until the closing years of the Cold War, it would have been outraged to have its misunderstandings challenged by intelligence reports."(p. 555) According to the Liberals, the communists fail because they restrict information flow by censorship and government intimidation. On the other hand, supposedly Liberal societies largely have to tolerate spying instead of creating an atmosphere where scientists are afraid to work or provide "information." An example of this quandary for the imperialists is Wen Ho Lee, a Taiwanese-born scientist who worked at Los Alamos labs. In 1996, the FBI started investigating him for supposedly transferring nuclear secrets to the social-imperialist regime in mainland China. Soon the Clinton administration was backtracking, perhaps because of the weak evidence, perhaps because nothing crucial was lost but also because the Asian community of scientists did not respond favorably. The imperialists started to ask themselves how much they were losing by cracking down on people like Wen Ho Lee. The government saw a dramatic cutback in Asian applications for jobs as a result of the FBI investigation.(1) This is the sort of quandary that Liberal society faces. The spying case has become wrapped up with inter-imperialist contention as ultra-reactionary forces seek to use the Wen Ho Lee case as justification for war- mongering against China. The issue also pops up in all current world trade discussions. The focus on "intellectual property" arises, because the United $tates and other imperialist countries tend to believe they will win all economic competitions as long as there is no industrial espionage or violation of copyright laws. On the other hand, it is natural for communists not to respect world trade arrangements focussed on property in ideas. Laws against copying software slow down the advance of the global economy, for example. We applaud countries without laws that protect the property of the imperialists made possible by a history of slavery and super-exploitation of Third World workers. We believe we will win the conflict with capitalism in the long run, not because of individual successes or failures, persynalized through Western stories about the Wen Ho Lees of the world. Instead, while both sides of conflict use the same tactics of conflict to some extent, it is the imperialist countries that suffer more from what the German bourgeois leader Willy Brandt called "political pornography."(p. 442) Lewinsky and strategic confidence There could be no better proof of who is damaged more by sex stories or lifestyle exposures than the Monica Lewinsky case. Unable to find anything of interest to examine in politics, the highly leisure-oriented Amerikan public readily gobbled up stories printed for profit about Monica Lewinsky. Likewise, the FBI taped Martin Luther King having adulterous sex (pp. 236-8) and the KGB launched similar operations to put a tail on King and influence him. Yet in a real battle between the proletariat and the imperialists, if the proletariat takes up scientific Marxism, the imperialists lose more from lifestyle scandals, because the imperialists have more at stake in such individual matters. True, pseudo-feminism, pseudo-environmentalism and other lifestyle movements have the potential for corroding the ranks of the proletarian organizations. Many a progressive organization has disappeared on their account. If both sides of the class war tolerate pseudo-feminism and pseudo-environmentalism, then the proletarian side will lose, because the bourgeoisie is better prepared for one-on-one fights. Clinton is still president, because he had individual advantages of power to bring to bear on his situation with Lewinsky. It is also true that the FBI manufactured stories against Huey Newton saying he became gay in prison. Yes, the imperialists do all this and the KGB copied it, and not only because the KGB was revisionist. The proletariat should and will use some of the same tactics against the imperialists, thus taking advantage of the narrowness and other weaknesses of the imperialist camp. Even Andrew could see the pattern in his book; although he could make no recommendation on how to eradicate the weaknesses: "The KGB had specialized in the sexual entrapment of Western diplomats and visitors to Moscow since the 1930s. The entrapment followed a straightforward sequence: the use of attractive female or male swallows as sexual bait, the seduction of the target, the secret photography of the sexual encounter (and, on occasion, the interruption of the encounter by a supposedly outraged 'spouse' or 'relative'), followed by blackmail. . . . Love, or a plausible semblance of it, was capable of generating more intelligence over a longer period than brief sexual encounters."(p. 445) One might think it would now be easy for the CIA to issue guidelines on avoiding sexual blackmail with the publication of Andrew's book and public radio exposures of the Romeo spies. However, putting a cramp into normal romantic relations by introducing paranoia is the price that individualists of the imperialist countries do not pay lightly. It amounts to surrender of sexual privilege. The CIA could also tell its recruits not to like money to avoid bribery. Such advantages do not accrue to the capitalist side of conflict. They are going to lose more than we communists will when such sacrifices become necessary--both because communists are interested in money for fewer reasons than bourgeois tools and will do a better job weighing its uses versus its political costs and because we communists are not as easily scandalized by lifestyle problems. When it comes down to it, it is the Christians that make lifestyle the be-all and end-all. It is the Liberals who see individual lifestyle as paramount. It is we communists who are strong through the unity of the oppressed and exploited. We on the proletarian side of the class war can opt out of letting individualism defeat us. The imperialists cannot opt out of the corrosion of individualism, because it is part of their system. MIM does not claim to live a lifestyle by the Ten Commandments. We are making it easier to live a non-criminal and non-oppressive lifestyle by changing the structure of society. That's how we go about making change. We are not relying on verbal persuasion to increase will- power one individual at-a-time. If we seize hold of the political line opposing lifestyle politics, we cannot be defeated by the imperialists who themselves face an unending saga of corrosive lifestyle politics. The MIM line against sub-reformism maximizes the advantages of the proletarian camp. It is not that comrades should live like Buddhist monks. The approach of comrade Gonzalo in Peru has its advantages. In his interview with comrade Luis Arce Borja he claimed to have no friends in particular and no mention is made of a wife. In its own way, MIM also minimizes persynality lifestyle struggles by its practice of being semi-underground. If we had famous individual leaders, the bourgeois media would focus on them for their lifestyles, not their politics. That is why we build our own media and spread our views that way with a focus on the kind of substance that won't sell in the mainstream entertainment media. Psychological warfare Religion, sexual mores, petty grievances at work--things that produce a sense of shame and divert people from their normal paths--these subjective motivations are all the province of psychology. Opposing individualism and lifestyle politics is simply a way of counteracting the psy-war the imperialists wage. The KGB literally became involved in psychological warfare in 1975 by infiltrating the psychiatry profession in the USSR. Dissidents were then accused of being mentally ill and then drugged. (p. 546) MIM has reported on similar practices in the United $tates, because contrary to Andrew, the use of psychiatry against political activists was not a Soviet state-capitalist innovation. We genuine communists seek to abolish psychiatry. It is fine to confuse the enemy with its own ideas, but we should not confuse ourselves about psychiatry. Because the CIA agents have to examine the "credibility" of individual enemy agents that they catch or who defect, the CIA is at a considerable disadvantage in the class war. Deranged KGB agents often spread their own political subjectivism into the CIA in the process of interrogation--not always because of the intentional spread of disinformation but because of the CIA's process of "honest" determination of motives. In one case, the CIA imprisoned a friend for four years and eight months, because of the CIA's inability to assess the individual situation.(p. 368) In another case, the West German Foreign Minister (1966-1969) and Chancellor (1969-1974) Willy Brandt admitted that psychological warfare against him was successful because it stopped him from working days on end.(p. 442) We Maoists are going to win, because we know we are going to make individual mistakes, but we put ourselves into contexts where they will not matter. The imperialists will lose, because they cannot perceive the directions of history. It is not surprising that tactics so focussed on the individual regularly backfire. For example, when a persyn is seen as discredited for being homosexual, much valuable scientific opportunity is lost. The CIA and other intelligence arms of imperialism will never be able to overcome this disadvantage, because doing so would mean taking up an ideology favorable to science and not just individual psychologies. Although the imperialists employ psychological warfare against the proletariat, it is the imperialists who lose more by enshrining psychology as a substitute for science. The more they employ psychological warfare, the more they guarantee our victory and as Mao said being attacked is a good thing. Of note in this regard is an interesting half-way house between CIA ideology and communism--Amerikan Satanism. Satanism as professed by the Church of Satan (COS) stresses the naturalness of enjoying sex, food etc. Hence, Satanists are less prone to be easily sidetracked by exposures of people having sex--no guilt liable to land them in blackmail situations. On the other hand, COS satanism is premised on the individual being his or her own god. People attracted to COS are liable to see themselves as Nietzchean supermen, demons or vampires, because they have yet to accept a fully scientific viewpoint. Science cannot be practiced at the individual level. Those who cannot perceive group level causation or the threads of connection amongst individuals are as yet pre-scientific dualists separating individual will from matter. That is why Satanists are prone to flights of fancy while admiring Hitler, rock stars, vampires and imaginary demons in some cases to the exclusion of real world forces of radical change. They see only the individual, not all of matter and its interrelationships. Note: 1. http://cnn.com/ALLPOLITICS/stories/1999/08/25/china.spying.ap