May Day 2000: Labor aristocracy and bourgeoisie court immigrant workers by MC44 & MC12 What do Federal Reserve Chairpersyn Alan Greenspan and the AFL-CIO have in common lately? Both see immigrant labor as the solution to their problems. With low unemployment and so-called "labor shortages" in the U.$., the Fed thinks the United Snakes should relax its immigration policies and raise quotas at the border.(1) And the big unions, weak and looking for new members, are retooling their historic anti-immigrant platform to opportunistically welcome oppressed nation workers into their ranks. Far from a radical turn in the political tide, Amerikan unions are doing what they've always done -- promoting their own economic interests (the inflated and imperialist-subsidized Amerikan wage) at the expense of the international proletariat. In this new century, that happens to include temporarily embracing immigrant workers. MIM takes the opportunity of International Workers Day 2000 to review this development from the perspective of the world's oppressed majority -- the international proletariat. First and foremost, true revolutionaries are internationalists and believe in open borders. There are no "Amerikan" jobs. And supporting high wages in this country means supporting a system of global inequality and militarism. 'If we can't beat 'em, let 'em join us' At its executive council meeting in February, the AFL-CIO passed a resolution calling for amnesty for the approximately 5-6 million undocumented workers currently in the U$. The union has also reversed its position on sanctioning employers for hiring "illegal" workers -- a policy that the unions helped to pass in 1986 and have supported ever since. So, having failed to keep immigrants out of the U$ in the first place (the original intent of the sanctions), the unions now recognize that immigrants are a substantial part of the U$ workforce. The AFL-CIO views immigrants as a threat to their own high wages -- as they always have -- but this time their concern is that employers can and do use the immigration authorities as a tool to keep immigrants from joining unions, keeping wages lower than organized labor can command in a given industry. The unions are joined by the state (Greenspan) and by internationalist-capitalists. In response to the AFL-CIO resolution, the executive vice president of the U.$. Chamber of Congress said, "'It's a welcome embrace of amnesty from an employer's perspective, since we do have a shortage of workers in this country and will continue to have a shortage of workers for several decades.'"(2) The liberal advocacy group National Immigration Forum put it this way: '"You have the makings of a business-labor compact that could draw new immigration policies for the next decade.'"(3) Neither Amerikan business nor labor has been the historical friend of immigrant and oppressed nation workers, and the prospect of their continued influence on immigration policy is repulsive to revolutionaries. From violence against Chinese laborers in the nineteenth century, to their open support of "Operation Wetback" in the mid-1950s -- which expelled "more than 1 million undocumented immigrants to Mexico"(1), to the murder of Vincent Chin by Detroit autoworkers in the early 1980s to the viciously nationalist rhetoric opposing NAFTA, Amerikan workers consistently line up against the oppressed. The recent turn in policy by the AFL-CIO does not change this fundamental reality. It merely reflects a change in tactics from total exclusion to opportunist inclusiveness. Where the buck stops But while the unions are calling for amnesty for undocumented workers currently in the U$, they've made it clear they still want to control the flow of immigration according to the interests of Amerikan workers. Hence the resolution calls for "the creation of job training programs for new immigrants" at the same time as it opposes "any expansion of the current guest worker program"(4) and supports "tougher sanctions against any company that uses advertisements or recruiters in other countries to encourage illegal immigrants to come to the United States to work for them."(3) Job training and an end to guest worker programs are both tied to the unions' opposition to new or increased immigration, underscoring the fact that their current courtship is a concession to the reality of today's workforce. According to the Washington Post, "estimates indicate as many as 20 percent of the entrants to the work force last year were immigrants, in occupations as diverse as meatpacking, construction and computer science."(2) And the unions have seen the greatest increases in their own numbers among immigrants. Last year, "union membership increased ... by 266,000 to 16.4 million, the largest one-year increase in two decades and a reversal of a five-year decline in private sector membership. ... Of the new recruits, nearly 55,000 were Latinos, whose total membership has grown to 1.5 million nationwide, the largest number ever."(5) The union hopes its call for amnesty will increase these numbers even more. In March, the United Nations echoed Greenspan's concern about labor shortages across many imperialist countries. The UN released a report warning that "if current trends continue, Japan and most of Europe will undergo a dramatic decline in population during the next 50 years, increasing the ranks of the elderly and causing labor shortages that will threaten economic growth." Their recommendation? Let in more immigrants.(6) The report noted that the United Snakes has kept up its population with increased immigration. Sweden, on the other hand, "has offered financial incentives to encourage parents to have more children."(6) Selling out the oppressed in the end MIM argues that only undocumented workers and prisoners in the U.$. are truly exploited, using their labor to produce more than the value of what they are paid. The workers making minimum wage or more are paid more than the value of their labor, with paychecks subsidized by the exploitation of the international proletariat. The great inequality between nations creates huge immigration flows from oppressed to oppressor nations. Immigrants who gain citizenship or legal status can eventually cross over and join the ranks of the labor aristocracy. According to the UN, "a Mexican worker would make roughly $31 a week at home, compared to $278 a week in the United States" -- a nine-fold increase.(7) That $278 per week puts Mexican workers near the bottom of the U.$. workforce ($7 or so per hour), but puts them ahead of the international proletariat. In Malaysia workers earn $2 per day, while in Indonesia laborers earn $0.28 per day.(8) The persecution and exploitation of undocumented workers prevents immigrants from entering the labor aristocracy -- an amnesty or legalization of current immigrants would enable it. Along with restrictions on new immigration, this would represent a victory for Amerikan organized labor, protecting their position while reinforcing the economic barrier between the oppressor nation and the international proletariat. The gains made for these few immigrant workers pale beside the suffering of the hundreds of millions left behind. Immigration policy under the imperialist state is a powerful weapon of social control and manipulation. The big unions and the big capitalists both see benefits from changing immigration policy, and that could lead to changes in the law. The Amerikan working class thinks legal immigrants will help bolster their own position today, and revolutionaries know the labor aristocracy is driven by its own self interest. With that understanding, we know their "welcoming" attitude toward immigrants already here is a complement to their nationalist attack on the international proletariat in NAFTA-type agreements. Both are about protecting Amerikan jobs and Amerikan wages. This International Workers Day, MIM reminds revolutionaries and potential revolutionaries that imperialism's borders are the prison walls of the international proletariat. In the imperialist countries, anyone who's not demanding open borders is not on the side of the international proletariat. Notes: 1. Los Angeles Times 25 February 2000. 2. Washington Post 17 February 2000. 3. New York Times 17 February 2000. 4. Los Angeles Times 17 February 2000. 5. The Boston Globe 10 March 2000. 6. Seattle Times 22 March 2000. 7. International Labour Organization statistic in Associated Press, March 2, 2000. 8. International Labour Organization statistic in Agence France Press, March 2, 2000.