Letters Anarchist supports MIM prison work, opposes MIM Dear MIM, I recently had the opportunity to read two issues of MIM Notes which my cellmate in the disciplinary segregation unit received. Having stopped my own subscription several years ago because I do not agree with your party on several points, I have always been supportive of prisoners' struggles and was pleased to note that Under Lock and Key still plays a prominent role in your publication. Prison issues are severely neglected by most leftist groups, although the struggles we prisoners endure represent the epitome of the problems of this capitalistic society. I make no secret of my anarchist beliefs, which is why I originally chose not to read MIM anymore. While I salute MIM and my imprisoned brothers and sisters in the struggle for seeking to break the bonds of oppression, I cannot support the idea of replacing one form of governments with another. No matter how well-intentioned, whenever a group of people have power over another, corruption and oppression will exist. Our present government once claimed to be accountable to the masses, and I have a very hard time believing that it would be any different under any other party. I fully expect my belief in anarchism to be attacked by MIM, as I've seen other dissenting views attacked. However, I've seen the difference that anarchists have made in the world, from housing and garden collectives in St. Louis and Detroit, to free school classes in Chicago, or feeding the homeless in a myriad of cities, or defying the FCC with broadcasting pirate radio. And let's not forget the events of last November in Seattle, where the WTO was effectively shut down on November 30th by thousands of demonstrators, many of them anarchists. Or the Anarchist Black Cross, which works to aid political prisoners world-wide. Anarchism today is much more than theory or rhetoric -- it is working. I thank you for your continued struggles to help prisoners and look forward to any comments you may have on this letter. An Illinois Prisoner 21 June, 2000 MIM responds: We've never denied that many anarchists are very active. We question the effectiveness of their actions to bring about fundamental social change. Most of the examples you cite are of anarchists setting up small charity programs within the constraints of capitalism. MIM considers this a form of "sub-reformism." Where reformists at least are thinking about making changes on a societal scale, sub- reformists place moral purity ahead of making broad real-world changes. As a result, they often end up simply putting a happy face on oppression. Of course, many of the anarchists you mention place these charity programs in the context of a strategy for social revolution. Problem is, people have tried this strategy for over 100 years now and they have never come anywhere near the kinds of gains made by communists. Spain was maybe the closest the anarchists came to winning a revolution, but even there they blew it because of their obsession with moral purity. Emma Goldman bragged that the Spanish anarchists would rather fail than use authoritarian means! To paraphrase Engels: Has Ms. Goldman ever seen a revolution? It's the most authoritarian act there is! In a revolution one group of people imposes its will on another by force. See MIM Theory 8 "The Anarchist Ideal and Communist Revolution" for a discussion of the Spanish Revolution and other anarchist movements. On the other hand, the gains of the communist movement have been tremendous. Lifespans in China doubled under Mao. In 1949, the year the Communists established the People's Republic of China, the infant mortality rate in Shanghai was six times that of New York City's. By 1972, the rate in Shanghai was lower than that in New York. These things were possible because the Chinese Communists used armed force to kick out the imperialists and their lackeys, because the Chinese Communists used state power to repress those who would profit from starvation and oppression. Mao admitted that the Communists used authoritarian measures -- but they used them to free the majority from the oppression of imperialism, feudalism, and capitalism. As for the WTO protestors -- again, we don't deny that they were out there, or that some of the anarchists had a more radical critique than many of the marchers. But we evaluate their actions in the light of the strategy they put forward for social change. In particular, many (but not all) anarchists lent their weight to the overwhelmingly Amerikan-chauvinist tenor of the demonstrations. See our study pack "Imperialism: The highest stage of global capitalism" for a discussion of the Seattle protests and the "anti-globalization," anti-NAFTA, anti-GATT, etc. movements (available for $5, make checks out to "MIM Distributors). All that said, there is a place in mass organizations like the Revolutionary Anti-Imperialist League and United Struggle from Within for anarchists or others who have fundamental disagreements with MIM but are willing to work under MIM's leadership. Perhaps they see MIM's practice as unique and important; perhaps they are not convinced line is decisive. There are many who disagree with us now, but can make important contributions and may yet from practice why MIM's cardinal principles are correct. Voting rights denied to politically invisible felons It was not until the 1965 Voting Rights Act that literacy tests were suspended and Blacks got the "privilege" of voting with federal protection. Amerikkka has a tainted history of innovating means and methods of limiting the minority's electorate power. Another example is the Three-Fifths Compromise that was drafted by Roger Sherman and Oliver Ellsworth in 1787, that proposed that one slave would be counted as three-fifths of a free person, purely for electoral districting. As it stands now, there are 46 states that suspend a felon's right to vote while they are incarcerated in state prisons, 29 states bar voting while people are on parole, and in 14 states felons are banned for life from voting. This is a most alarming circumstance, when you consider that Blacks constitute half of the inmate population nationally. In other words, this will preclude a substantial number of Black males including myself from meeting the ballot indefinitely. This comes as an interesting paradox, when you have most state legislators and prison commissioners purporting to taxpayers that their objective is to rehabilitate criminals, so that they can be re-integrated as functionally productive members of society. What I'm hearing in the duplicitous language of prison commissioners is an ostensible attempt to placate the public's fear of hardened criminals returning back to society, while at the same time state legislators are taking the initiative to disenfranchise ex-offenders -- of which the largest majority are non-violent -- by stripping them of their right to vote on issues that affect them civilly. Let's not forget that ex-cons pay state, city, school, and property taxes as any other citizen. But we are incessantly being denied the right to cast our formal opinions or vote in areas of activity that affect us as tax paying citizens. At what level does successful integration back into society take place, when society congenially relegates ex-offenders to the margin of society? Synopsis: once you've been incarcerated, you are disenfranchised and thereby stripped of your rights as a citizen. But at the same time, you are still held accountable to the obligations incumbent upon all other non-felonious citizens, such as paying taxes. You no longer have any power with the direction of your life, the district, city or state in which you live. You cannot be a part of or contribute in this case to the African-America force that's vying for political ground. In all actuality, we as prisoners and ex-offenders have been victimized and made to be outcast of our communities through political bigotry. By being deprived of the one constitutional right that makes a difference in a democracy - our vote - In this case, Black, ex- cons are then ostracized by African-American politicians as well because without a vote, they are no longer an asset, but a liability. This unfortunate plight of Black prisoners and ex- offenders further reinforces the apathetic ambience held toward the rights of felons by those agencies and organizations that are in a position to challenge such unfair legislation. Ex-offenders are placed in a peculiar situation in Amerikkka whereas they are invisible except in cases when they become repeat offenders. Then, these incorrigible parolees become the poster boys for all of us reformed prisoners and those parolees that have made a successful and functional transition back into society. The question I would like to ask, is when does a non-violent rehabilitated ex-offender stop paying their debt to society? A Texas prisoner MIM replys: The writer illustrates one of the hypocrisies of Amerikan democracy which largely affects the internal semi- colonies -- not only Blacks, but also First Nations, Latinos, undocumented immigrants, etc. These groups do not enjoy even the legal formalism of bourgeois democracy, like the vote. The writer also illustrates why bourgeois politicians, even those from oppressed nations, take up positions against prisoners and other oppressed groups. What say do they have in a bourgeois politicians career? MIM disagrees, though, that the vote "is the one constitutional right that makes a difference." We start by asking, "Difference for whom?" There are billions of people worldwide who are impacted by Amerikan military and economic policy also do not have a vote. Is the presidential election in any way a referendum on the imperialist system? No. And if it were, the people most affected don't get to vote. We stand with Marx and Engels, who said that voting amounts to the oppressed choosing their oppressor -- but in the case of Amerika, it's more like the oppressors choosing who will lead the oppression while the oppressed look on. Voting can not change the status quo of imperialism because any viable candidate has to bow to the interests of the capitalists. It is not possible to get elected in this country without vowing to uphold the imperialist system which brings in the wealth for corporations and the workers. The majority of Amerikans either support the republocrats or don't care about the elections because they are happy enough with the status quo. Amerikan imperialism buys off its workers with superprofits stolen from the Third World. The relative wealth in this country keeps the majority happy and quiet. Rather than fight for the vote for the oppressed nations who are being pushed out of the system, MIM fights for an end to the system. Having a say in which imperialist will lead the exploitation and oppression of the world's workers is not something worth fighting for. Ending U.$. imperialist rule is well worth fighting for. Rather than fighting for the vote or organizing voters to support supposedly alternative candidates who don't stand a chance of winning, MIM calls on activists to work with us to overthrow imperialism.