It is easy being green, but it's best to be red: German Greens prove Leninism necessary ITAL Many of the new people drawn into Green politics by the Nader campaign have not seriously studied the history of the Green movement or other movements against war and environmental destruction. The Green Party in Amerika models itself after the older, more established Green movement in Europe. We can learn important lessons -- albeit negative lessons -- from the experiences of the European Greens. That is why we reprint this MIM Notes article and some of the discussion it generated on the Internet. END MIM Notes 187 June 1 1999 On May 13th, the German Green Party caved into its militarist Social Democratic Party allies and voted down a resolution to end NATO bombing of Yugoslavia. This was a reflection on the rank-and- file of the Green Party and not just its government leaders who had already supported NATO's actions. The Green Party stance proves that the Greens are no alternative to real internationalist communism when it comes to leading the peace movement. The Social Democrats currently rule in Germany in an alliance with the Greens. The Green Party's votes in the German legislature guarantee power for Social Democratic Party leader Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder to rule in Germany.(1) Voting for the resolution "would probably have brought down the Government of the Social Democratic Chancellor," according to the New York Times and MIM.(2) The Green Party could only oppose the NATO bombing by quitting the government and pushing along new elections or a different marriage partner for the ruling Social Democrats. Greens usually list "nonviolence/peace" as one of their top principles. A description for German Greens reads as follows: "In the field of security and peace, Bndnis 90/Die Grnen advocate a policy of non-military solutions to conflicts. We want to strengthen the OSCE process instead of enlarging the NATO. German peace-keeping contingents should operate only under a clear international mandate and not be structured as military forces."(3) Yet, Green parties never require anti-militarism of its imperialist country members. Hence, how Greens put together their supposed values is rather murky and we get the results we got in Germany. In World War I, it was the "Social-Democrats" of various European countries who went back on their windbag speeches and resolutions and supported the war. Today, the role of key warmonger may fall on the German "Green Party." The Greens are a grab-bag of various environmentalists, pacifists, anarchists and ultra-democrats. The average Green is a foggy friend of the proletariat. In the May 15th MIM Notes, we reported some internal strife in the Green Party over the issue, but thus far, the majority appears to support the leadership. Just as in the main right-wing bourgeois party the Christian Democrats, 68 percent of Greens support the bombing. Apparently two out of three NATO citizens support the bombing and the average Green is no different.(4) Over two-thirds of all Germans do not believe bombing will work, but it does not matter what party one is in on that question. Likewise, the members of all parties oppose sending ground troops. Of note on the question, the Social Democratic Party has above average support for sending ground troops; although The Economist article does not explain if the difference is "statistically significant."(4) To the credit of the PDS (ex-phony communists), only 27 percent support the bombing. Given that party's history of supporting the Soviet Union, we cannot be too sure there is much principled in that political opposition either.(4) In former East Germany, the majority opposes the bombing. Thus the ex-communists may make some headway in bourgeois elections there.(4) Meanwhile, in other tensions for Germany, a deputy Defense Minister said he doubted initial NATO claims that an outdated map caused the bombing of the Chinese Embassy in Belgrade. Likewise, a German newspaper reported a senior NATO official as saying NATO had a correct map with the Chinese Embassy clearly marked.(1) The Greens could have been a falling domino against bourgeois stability if they had come out against the war. From MIM's point of view, the German situation is again one where war clarifies political reality. Trailing off into "deep ecology" religion, witchcraft and other unscientific and petty-bourgeois philosophies, the Greens just do not have an intellectual basis for opposing the war. It is further proof that vaguely populist strategies do not work when the chips are down or when it counts. There is no short-cut to social change; the painstaking work of Leninism is necessary -- building a party and coming to a scientific understanding of imperialism and war. Notes: 1. Peter Graff, "Russia Takes Hard Line on Kosovo Mediation," Reuters, 13 May 1999. Redistributed at http://www.peopledaily.com.cn/english/features/Kosovo/home.html 2. The New York Times 14 May 1999 3. http://www2.europeangreens.org/europeangreens/germany.html 4. The Economist 24 April 1999, pp. 50-1. Well, is it really "easy to be green, best to be red?" One persyn responded to MIM's claim that "German Greens prove Leninism necessary" as follows: "No they don't. If anything, what has happened is an example of them becoming more Lenninist/Maoist in terms of the idea of the heroic leader. Nothing in the dictatorship ideas of Mao or Lenin will prove any sort of solution." To which MIM replied: "So you consider the German Green leader Joschka Fischer a heroic leader? You consider your 444 votes by the Green delegates for the bombing of Yugoslavia (NYTimes Magazine, 30May99, p. 31) to be proof there is no need for Lenin? Marxism has been around longer. We have experience. Those people should have been purged from the party before they ever got a chance to be such hypocrites, before they got a chance to lend the legitimacy of the Green Party to the militarist state. Now all the work of the German Greens is not only not good, it is counter- productive. The reason is that the Greens were intentionally foggy on principles including the need for centralism." Another thread raised the usual shibboleths about Communists being butchers because Communists admit to using force as a tool to eradicate the far more severe violence of starvation, disease, and predatory war. MIM argues that Mao, who admittedly used violence against class enemies of the proletariat, did more to eradicate violence than the supposedly non-violent Ghandi. Famine remains endemic in India to this day, while under Mao hunger was controlled to the extent that Chinese life expectancies caught up to and surpassed those in India. One reader criticized this argument: "Since when is utilitarianism the root of all ethics? I know it's very attractive because you can do the math with it, but are the numbers really an appropriate ground on which to base all ethics? Something tells me you've listened a little too much to Mr. Spock." MIM replied: "Yes, we admit to being admirers of Mr. Spock. 'The good of the many outweighs that of the one.' Utilitarianism is an ethics. However, the calculations are not a part of ethics. Those can be made scientifically. "This thread started with a discussion of 'non-violence.' Yet there is no place in this world except historically existing 'primitive communist' tribes that have non-violence in practice and that's why calculation enters. What matters is what happens in practice. "The various Greens in the world can claim to be for "non- violence," but if so, we Maoists say they should be Maoists. In the hands of the Greens "non-violence" is an abstraction that ends up in applications of diverse sorts, including support for bombing in Kosovo. In the hands of Maoists, "non-violence" is closest to actually being implemented. "Of course, we have to rebut the fools who know Mao had people shot and are insensitive to the violence all around them -- starvation etc. -- to such an extent they don't even count it anymore."