MIM Notes # 222 Nov 15, 2000 Why did Fujimori fall? By Luis Arce Borja Reprinted from El Diario Internacional Translation by MIM Alberto Fujimori announced that he would retire from the presidency of Peru Saturday the sixteenth of September, the dictator surprisingly presented himself on Peruvian television to announce that he would dissolve the National Intelligence Service (NIS) and that he would surrender power. Along with this he offered to call new general elections for the month of March 2001. Indicating at the same time that he would not be a presidential candidate. On the surface, Furjimori's rendering of power would have its principal cause in the discovery of an act of corruption directed from the (NIS) whose implied principal is Valdimiro Montesinos, chief of this institution and personal consultant of the presidency. In effect, days before this live announcement, Fernando Olivera, Fujimori's opponent and the leader of the Moralizing Independent Front, (MIF) made public a video which showed the moment in which Vladimiro Montesino turned over fifteen-thousand dollars to Luis Alberto Kouri (member of "A possible Peru's" parliament), so that the fujimorist grouping be passed to the rows in "Peru 2000." This is the anecdotal part of the fall of Fujimori. What is the explanation for Fujimori's renouncement? It is unexplainable that a regimen render power for a mere fifteen thousand dollars given that it made corruption, blackmail, lies and crime its fundamental mode of governing. This in the generalized framework of corruption in Peru has no significant relevance. There exists no logical reason that would explain why Fujimori and his consultant Montesinos would renounce the facts that we are commenting on, given that in the last ten years of power they have proven themselves unscrupulous, cynical without the most fundamental respect for the morals and ethics of politics. To shake themselves of the blame brought by the tape, it would have sufficed to deny the charges, give a contradictory statement to the official media, intimidate the accuser and finally make him vanish, as they have done hundreds of times since 1990. Approaching this problem from another angle, it could be said that Fujimori's rendering of power takes its origins in the accumulation of social protests against his government. However this is not the root of the problem even if it is true the Peruvian masses repudiate this government, furthermore it has not had the capacity to generate a solid independent movement to struggle against the dictatorship. Brutal repression and militarization have been dissuasive measurements used to control any political actions of workers and the other oppressed sectors of Peru. Not even Alejandro Toledo or any of the other opponents that Fujimori faced in last April and May's electoral debates could ruin the strategic plans of the current government. The political activity of what is known in Peru as "Fujimori's opposition" (parties, groups and electoral fronts), has only served to contribute a bit of color to the electoral circus and to give a legitimate legal image to Fujimori's regimen. Within this panorama, the timid "protests" of the OEA and of the United States against the last presidential elections in Peru served only as background music to the electoral fraud of this year. One must look to the gears that exist within the North Amerikan government and the regimen directed by Fujimori to find the fundamental factor causing the fall of the current government of Peru. As is known, the United States, with the help of Fujimori and Montesinos, inaugurated in Latin America a government completely supported and directed by the Amerikan CIA. Vladimiro Montesino's unlimited power was a direct result of his ties with the high-ranking officials of this Amerikan intelligence agency. As a result it was seen in the last ten years that the Peruvian government and moreover Montesinos acted with impunity to submit to their desires the Peruvian Armed Forces, to give orders to squadrons of death, commit horrendous assassinations, to make big business deals with drug traffickers, and to participate in scandalous crimes of corruption and theft in the State. What then occurred between the CIA and the Peruvian government? The umbilical cord between the Peruvian government and the CIA was cut after the discovery of million dollar arms trafficking directed by Fujimori and Montesinos. The actual problem has not been the discovery of illegal arms rather the fact that rifles, bombs, munitions and rockets where headed towards the hands of the guerrillas of the Armed Revolutionary Forces of Colombia (ARFC). The matter of fact has to do with the events that occurred last year between March and July. Fujimori and Montesino's agents turned over to the ARFC ten thousand Kalashnikov 47 rifles made in Russia. To cover up this trafficking ploy the company name utilized was Nippon Corporation S.A. This company was created in 1993 and represented by the Peruvian Jose Luis Aybar, an ex-tenant of the military tied with drug trafficking. Aybar in this business acted like a man of confidence with Fujimori and Montesinos. Nippon Corporation S.A. was the official provider of arms to the military and to the National Institute of Defense of Peru. The arms given to the Colombian guerillas were originally from Jordan, and it was subsequently declared by the government of Peru they were officially bought by government representatives of the country. The personnel that participated in this trafficking scheme have declared in detail that the transport of arms from Jordan to the Colombian front was realized under the direction of an official and secret operation of the Peruvian military. Jose Luis Aybar declared that they were counting on an official guarantee and protection to purchase arms in Jordan, stop in Trinidad and Tobago and then from an Ilyushin 67 plane drop the cargo. According to the declaration of this military man he participated in the transport of weapons under the impression that he was acting in service to the country. When Fujimori fell from grace It began the twenty-fifth of last June, a month before the inauguration of Fujimori. That day the police of Trinidad and Tobago held back an Ilyushin 67 airplane that in appearance was carrying a large cargo of medicine for Peru. The suspicious merchandise made undercover Amerikan intelligence agents intervene. They discovered that the supposed cargo of medicine were land-air missiles, Kalashnikov rifles, and tons of ammunition. When realizing that he had been discovered Fujimori declared that in fact the cargo officially belonged to the Peruvian State and that the weapons were to "combat subversives" but he did not give a reason as to why the weapons had been camouflaged to look like medicines. Afterwards, at the beginning of last August the CIA and government of Peru captured a few guerillas of the ARFC and the surprise was that the subversives utilized the Kalashnikov rifles. The rifles were sent to one of the Amerikan CIA bases to verify the origins of these. The surprise was immediate; the Kalashnikov rifles had been officially sold by the Jordanian government to the armed forces of Peru. Having been caught Fujimori and Montesinos planned their exit. On the twenty-first of August they surprisingly called a press conference in which they announced that they had dismantled a band of arms traffickers that negotiated with the Colombian guerillas. As a first order of business they indicated that the leader of the arms traffickers were identified and that they would be judged by the military. The conference leaders, one of whom was Montesinos who was usually never in, asked for continental recognition as a reward for having, according to them, dismantled a mafia that fed weapons to the Colombian guerillas. The trick rendered no results. The twenty-fourth of August, four days after the press conference, the general Fernando Tapia, commander of the Armed Forces of Colombia, accused the Peruvian government of having a contract of weapons sale of ten thousand rifles to the ARFC. Under the same tone, Luis Fernando Ramirez, minister of Defense in Colombia, ratified the accusation that the Peruvian government was responsible for the sale of weapons to the guerillas of his country. On his behalf a representative of the Jordanian government stated that the weapons were legally sold on behalf of his country to the Peruvian government in 1998. Adding that high-ranking military officers of Peru were involved in the business deal. In the same manner, Luis Aybar Cancho, who participated as the principal personnel in the transporting of weapons from Jordan to Colombia, before turning himself in, made a public statement in which he identified Vladimiro Montesinos as the chief of the arms trafficking. Thomas Pickering, the Subsecratary of State for political affairs of the United States, was summoned and he signaled in the last week of August that the State Department was verifying the corresponding information regarding the weapons sold to the ARFC. It is clear then that the fall of Fujimori, was related to the trafficking of ten thousand rifles, and to the loss of confidence of the Amerikans. The CIA oversaw crimes and the most abominable of actions to sustain Fujimori's regimen in power, however it did not pardon this attempted ploy against the interests of the United States that intended to provide one of the most active groups of guerillas in Latin America with weapons. It is yet to be known who is next to be protected by the CIA in Peru.