Ex-Soviet citizen comments on Peking Review criticism of Brezhnev-era Soviet Union: Part I "It shows that not only is it possible for a working-class party to fall under the control of a labor aristocracy, degenerate into a bourgeois party and become a flunkey of imperialism before it seizes power, but even after it seizes power it is possible for a working-class party to fall under the control of new bourgeois elements, degenerate into a bourgeois party and become a flunkey of imperialism. The League of Communists of Yugoslavia typifies such degeneration. "It shows us that the restoration of capitalism in a socialist country can be achieved not necessarily through a counter-revolutionary coup d'etat or armed imperialist invasion and that it can also be achieved through the degradation of the leading group in that country. The easiest way to capture a fortress is from within. Yugoslavia provides a typical case in point. "It shows us that revisionism is the product of imperialist policy. Old-line revisionism arose as a result of the imperialist buying over and fostering a labor aristocracy. Modern revisionism has arisen the same way. Sparing no cost, imperialism has now extended the scope of its operations and is buying over leading groups in socialist countries and pursues through them its desired policy of 'peaceful evolution.'" (Mao Zedong (anonymously) in: "Is Yugoslavia a Socialist Country?" September 26, 1963) MIM interviewed an ex-Soviet citizen from the Caucusus who is now in contact with Maoism. We specifically interviewed the comrade about the Brezhnev era, as Gorbachev is now widely reviled within the Soviet Union and even social- democrats such as Gus Hall had hard words for Gorbachev. MIM: You recently read "Social Imperialism: The Soviet Union Today (1977)," the collection of reprints from Peking Review that was published under Mao. Did you have access to this book? Could you describe some of the books you could buy under Brezhnev? Did you see anything criticizing the regime from the point of view of Stalin or Mao? Hari: Under Brezhnev, you could buy anything and anyone, if you pay. The fact that certain books (as well as other goods and services) were not available in the official market doesn't mean that people could not get all these things otherwise. However, for some reason, all criticism of the Brezhnev regime came from the right rather that from the left. I never heard of people or read a book, (with the exception of older generations) which would disapprove of the government from Stalin's or Mao' point of view. Older people were nostalgic: many of them felt the government betrayed the ideas of communism, but this notion was generally considered so backward, so lacking in modern qualities. It was assumed that what old people believed in, is the past; the past could be revisited only in order to learn something, but not to be repeated. Younger generations, intellectuals, even working classes never considered communism as a correct option. And I think this is natural; people grew up in a country which made a shield of beautiful ideas to cover the selfish interests of the ruling class. As a result, ideas themselves were compromised in the eyes of the public. After Gorbachev, however, when people got a taste of what capitalism (actually, wild stage of primitive accumulation of the capital) is like, the old ideas were brought to the light again. It took Gorbachev to reconsider what was believed to be weird experiment never to be repeated again. MIM: Would you agree that there was a ruling class in the Soviet Union--a class apart from the wage-laborers in control of production? Hari: Yes, of course, it was a ruling class in the Soviet Union -- not even class, a caste. Most of these people were from working class background; some of them had family members or relatives who participated in the revolution. Almost all of them used class (and national in some cases) identity to get into the party. These people created a new ruling caste. Their rule wasn't sanctified by time itself; they used communist ideas to make it legitimate. MIM: How was the black market in your area? What percentage of people participated? Hari: I believe, all people, more or less, participated in the black market. Those who had more money participated more actively, of course. Those without such financial resources couldn't do it, but wished they could. Almost everything that wasn't available in official stores could be bought in the black market. Unfortunately, the Soviet economy failed to provide people even with very ordinary goods and services, and, as a result, black marketeers filled the gap. It's hard to determine what percentage of the population actually made profits on the black market; probably it would vary from region to region. In the region I lived, it was probably, something about 50 percent. Generally, in that area, ideas of private property and enterprise were much more popular than in other parts of the Soviet Union. It was illegal; thus, entrepreneurial energy found outlet in the black market. MIM: What did the factories do to make money on the side and who organized it? Hari: It was a part of the black market. Since the planned economy obviously failed - couldn't provide people with goods and services - the black market entered the picture. Factories' directors, managers, and even workers involved in labor unions used factory materials and equipment to produce commodities in demand and sell them on the black market. They paid tribute to the supervisors, and appropriated the rest. MIM: How did educators admit students with sufficient money? Hari: Very simply: To enter certain schools, students were supposed to have either connections, or money, or both. If connections were lacking, money could save the situation. (Of course, to have both would be much better) Fortunately, not all schools were like that. The Soviet government was smart enough to understand that they do need competent people, especially in the technical sphere. ITAL To be continued ... END