9. As explained in the accompanying article about the COMINTERN, no party in the imperialist countries can be Marxist-Leninist- Maoist, if it includes labor aristocracy workers in the "proletariat" and thereby dilutes the "dictatorship of the proletariat."
Some parties not challenged by other parties with more correct lines in their countries may be the vanguards without being Marxist-Leninist-Maoist.
10. MIM is the vanguard of the oppressed nations within U.S. borders, the vanguard of the Euro-Amerikan people and the vanguard of English-speaking Canada. (This does not rule out that we are the vanguard in more places.)
11. For MIM to participate with its organization name in a united front action or joint struggle, it must come to the conclusion that the viewpoint of it's class will dominate or lead the struggle. That is to say it will not take advantage of situations where it can sneak in a minority view for the proletariat. Where middle class or various enemy forces will dominate and where MIM would like to have a chance for its voice to be heard independently (which is the minimum in any united front action), MIM will avoid using the party name in endorsement in public publicity. In any circumstance in which endorsement is not at issue (by having the MIM name appear in publicity), even one MIM proletarian will be allowed to take on a whole auditorium of enemy forces to create public opinion. MIM will also be able to send any message it desires to any meeting or forum, as long as it does not claim to be endorsing events dominated by the enemy. In more intermediate situations we can send messages hailing the correct parts while withholding endorsement overall. This approach preserves our flexibility to have some form of struggle open in any situation, while it keeps the public from getting confused about MIM's identity.
A "No" vote will be taken to mean support of the converse, that we can go ahead and use the MIM name in publicity situations where the middle class or other enemy classes dominate and where MIM may become associated even if only through error with those enemy class demands.
[Resolution above passed as "yes."]
12. Following Mao, we see no need for a world communist party. The world's communist parties should compare notes and sign joint declarations, but there are no situations where a party should submit to international discipline through a world party. Where various Maoist parties from different nationalities have the same goal, they will then coordinate their actions in joint struggle. This will occur in the case of the united states when several nationalities come to exert joint dictatorship over it.
Of course there will be some form of temporary organizational discipline at international conferences, but such discipline should not extend to what gets done in the various countries by the various Maoist parties.
In this regard, the RIM (Revolutionary Internationalist Movement) is incorrect. Likewise, the PCP bears principal responsibility for supporting the RCP-led RIM and it too is incorrect. In this case, whereas Stalin dissolved the COMINTERN and Mao didn't have one, the PCP is not upholding "Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, principally Maoism," and instead it is backing the RCP's "back-to-Lenin" line which has great appeal to Trotskyists as well. It was Trotsky all along who criticized Stalin when there was a COMINTERN for letting the national sections have too much independence. Now the RCP resurrects the kind of world party that Trotsky once belonged to while claiming the PCP has led it to evermore faithful adherence to Mao. At the same time, in practice, the RCP speaks for the PCP in its international affairs.
13. No International that has respect for national conditions in the spirit of Mao or joint declaration involving imperialist country Maoists will gain MIM's adherence without the following preconditions of membership y imperialist country parties if other imperialist country parties are involved: 1) The recognition of superprofits extracted from the oppressed nations as a central fact of economic life in the imperialistcountries. 2) Upholding Lenin's distinction between labor bureaucrats and labor aristocrats. 3) Upholding Lenin's distinction between the labor aristocracy and the proletariat. 4) Seeking the dictatorship of the proletariat where that is defined as excluding the labor aristocracy.
15. Amendment to second to last vote above: In addition, MIM will not adhere to any international organization of communists or joint declaration or communique involving imperialist country parties that does not recognize that the imperialist country or "white" proletariat is either non-existent or a tiny minority as indicated in the conditions of white-collar work and the pay of those workers. This has become a matter of applying the science of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism in the imperialist countries and continuing with the methods and definitions of "proletarian" and "labor aristocracy" laid down since Lenin.
17. An exception in our united front policy will be preserved for debates. MIM will accept to debate a revisionist or other enemy organization where it can determine that the debate format will be fair and the publicity refers to the event as a "debate" or other event with opposing sides.
A fair debate format will mean at least equal time uninterrupted. Organizations that violate our format and publicity requirements will not get a second chance.
For example, we can hold an event with the Workers World Party to debate the LA. We can debate Stalin with Sparts and we can debate the united front with PLP. The purposes will be two-fold: 1) To clarify for the masses that these organizations are indeed separate. 2) To win over the mushy members of other organizations, of which there are a lot since the collapse of the Soviet bloc.
32. The following will be the official description of the MIM wherever needed in connection to MN--the MIM Notes box for instance.
"MIM Notes is the newspaper of the Maoist Internationalist Movement which is the collection of existing or emerging Maoist Internationalist Parties (MIPs) in the English-speaking imperialist countries and their English-speaking internal semi-colonies as well as the existing or emerging Spanish-speaking Maoist Internationalist Parties of Aztlan, Puerto Rico and other territories regarded as "internal" by the U.S. imperialists. Notas Rojas is the newspaper of the Spanish-speaking parties or emerging parties of the MIM."
33. In the following organs, polemical, proletarian Maoist material for publication will have precedence over material that could be published elsewhere. It is our estimation that our public opinion organs listed below can still find material that only our party would publish for the upcoming year.
The following organs may publish other material that does not pass the "Guardian-test."
*Other branch recruiting flyers, posters etc.
40. MIM's current schedule/structure leans too far in the direction of time-consuming ultra-democracy. Following the three-month-long 1995 congress, Congresses will be two months long. Congresses will take place during all of June and all of July. Votes will be collected and submitted on the last day of June and the last day of July.
42. MIM's Congress's will be two 3 week sessions per year. The First will start on June 1. The second will start after a 3 week recess. Votes may be proposed up until the last day of each session.
43. While the Revolutionary Communist Party-USA (RCP-USA) leads the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement and claims it is the "emerging center" of the international communist movement, we at MIM hold that the RIM is not yet applying Maoism in the imperialist countries. In addition, the RIM is not applying Maoism in the question of relations amongst proletarian organizations on a world scale.
When Leninism was young, there was a world party connected to a conception of quick overthrow of imperialism centered in Europe. Since that time, and as Lenin himself sometimes predicted, the revolutionary initiative passed to the East, and also the South. It was Mao who fully embodied this truth and under imperialism it will be impossible for technology to speed up the communications and translation of languages sufficiently to justify a world party which would have to lead a revolution whose social forces are more than 80 percent located in the Third World. Meanwhile it is Trotskyism in its various forms that is so stressing the European industrial worker-based revolution led by a Fourth International. For these reasons, attempts to reform the RIM from within can never fully succeed and struggles starting with the assumption of a RIM can only mire themselves in confusion.
At this time the idea of "an emerging center" of the international communist movement is itself in contradiction with Maoism. We at MIM instead see "an emerging leadership by example" in the case of the Communist Party of the Philippines on questions of international relations amongst proletarian organizations. Since there is confusion and difference on these questions, we urge our comrades to study the example of the Communist Party of the Philippines on questions of international organization, bilateral relations and so on.