This is an archive of the former website of the Maoist Internationalist Movement, which was run by the now defunct Maoist Internationalist Party - Amerika. The MIM now consists of many independent cells, many of which have their own indendendent organs both online and off. MIM(Prisons) serves these documents as a service to and reference for the anti-imperialist movement worldwide.

Maoist Internationalist Movement

Note from the Chair

The Central Committee has resigned, partly because I asked it to. I have asked for a term to last no longer than till January 2009.

I will dedicate sufficient time to handle the details and scope of struggles that confront the party at this time. After my term, we anticipate that new cells will form including a prisons-related cell with lower security.

In the meantime, we will stay united and focused. We will train on questions of clandestine struggle that we have not had enough attention paid to. Then we hope to separate into mature cells.

In 2006, the enemy intensified its allegorical attack against MIM, with a focus on certain individuals. Here I will attempt a more comprehensive overview of the question of allegorical communications. On October 1, 2006, we issued a statement separating MIM's own writings from the allegorical approach of focus on the individual. This was especially necessary in understanding MIM's public opinion and propaganda work. Unlike some other parties, we did not until 2006 write articles with the aim of secretly attacking or recruiting individuals. Much federal money has gone into reading MIM literature prior to 2006 with that intention--particularly with an intention to examine MIM's alleged spying. In terms of MIM's central task ("to prepare public opinion and independent institutions of the oppressed to seize power"), it is crucial to understand the difference between line reasoning and people-centered thinking. For ease of contrast, MIM simply avoided allegorical criticism to assist people in understanding MIM's central task.

Bourgeois historians, psychologists and all those with an ad hominem method have approached MIM writing as a collection of stories about individuals, the origins of which need discovering and discrediting. The idea that there are classes, nations and genders is not terribly useful to our individualist Anglo critics. To these people we have said that allegorical communication is wrong, mainly because it is in story form and centered on individuals. The enemy seeks to detach individuals in proletarian leadership, through bribery or force, while we of the proletariat have the burden of uniting and attacking at the general level. For this reason, if our leaders cannot learn to think anonymously in terms of what is good for the group, we will not win our struggles as often as we can.

Historically, allegorical attack is necessary when intellectuals deal with the state. Spies also use allegorical communication as a matter of course. Some of these reasons for MIM to use allegorical communication have arisen. So while we would like to discern story-tellers from people carrying out our central task, MIM has also used allegorical communication lately, sometimes four symbols deep. This became necessary because of attacks on our channels of communication and means of writing that we regarded as security threats.

As the currency of spies, allegorical communication is also a part of clandestine struggle, especially behind enemy lines as in the united $tates, i$rael, England etc. Such clandestine struggle fits MIM's view of the class structure and our corresponding strategy opposing dumbocracy and mediocrity. In the past, MIM always attacked dumbocracy, as made sense since we adopted our line on the third cardinal question in the 1980s.

Nonetheless, today we need to further and complete the attack on dumbocracy and mediocrity. In particular, it will not be optional for MIM leaders to be ignorant of clandestine methods of struggle. In the past we have tolerated those who claim to be interested in security, but cannot handle cryptic means of communication. We can no longer afford such views, nor the accompanying views about people being "inaccessible." People who cannot handle being symbolic and cryptic in their leadership are falling on their faces in front of the tasks that we have today. Such people should improve in order to become proletarian leaders in the imperialist countries. The enemy has assigned allegorical critics to attack MIM and it won't do for party leaders not to understand and respond.

For long years, MIM inadequately prepared the clandestine struggle. The right pieces of the line were in place, but informally we placed an emphasis on making everything "accessible" and "documented." This lead to dumbocratic errors. By definition, some struggles are cryptic, not accessible and not documented--or documented only at political, security and individual expense.

Along these lines, Mao found it necessary to engage the cryptic struggle even into the 1960s when there was socialism in China. Intellectuals and the problem of the gap between leaders and led still existed to the point where it was possible to attack Mao through allegorical criticism. "Hai Jui Dismissed from Office" became the whole reason to kick off the Cultural Revolution (1966 to 1976) and rumors about opposition to the "stinking ninth category" (intellectuals) arose.

I now steer MIM for a new line that we made an ultra-left error with regard to allegorical writing--by assuming we could by-pass the struggle. If Mao under socialism had to deal with allegorical enemies, then MIM living under capitalism with its gap between intellectuals and masses will also have to handle allegorical enemies and also inform ourselves not just through open sources like FOX News, CNN etc., but also through inherently undocumented discussions with spies. MIM's practice showed varying levels of understanding of these truths, but we now systematize that understanding into a fleshed out line for clandestine struggle.

The long-run goal is to eliminate the gap between leaders and led, which includes the gap between those fluent with symbolic reasoning and prediction and those who are more concrete and literal-minded. While the goal of communism includes eliminating the intellectual gap, it is quite clear that MIM does not now see itself able to eliminate use of bourgeois sources of news for example. Likewise, we cannot simply proclaim the mental division of labor finished, and so we will not be able to do without obtaining information through symbolic means and understanding attacks on ourselves through symbolic means. Nor can we do without symbolic attacks on imperialists and their spies.

In the past, MIM has tolerated allegorical attacks on itself and others in many situations where it would neither confirm nor deny leading questions aimed at uncovering organizational dirt. These allegorical attacks--sometimes submitted by letter-writers and readers-- "balanced out" in the sense of making the job of gleaning allegorical information on MIM hopeless. In general, for the purposes of the central task, eliminating allegorical writing is the simplest means of avoiding individualist and pragmatist errors.

In countries such as China, working with illiterate peasants and being in tune to their mentalities was not avoidable, because they became the material force for overthrowing semi-feudalism and semi-colonialism. In countries like the united $tates today, there is no reason to pretend that an illiterate force is going to manage the overthrow of imperialism. Our lumpen is illiterate, but it will not be adequate to bringing down imperialism the way Chinese peasants changed China through revolution. Pandering to such ideas as if we Amerikans were Chinese in 1949 prepares the mediocrity deviation. We should prepare struggle both for lumpen and intellectuals.

Instead of hearing excuses from people with "bills to pay" and "only working on my own problems," we MIM Thought people hammer relentlessly at excuses for mediocrity in the fight for the proletarian cause. The entire left-wing of parasitism seeks to make the alleged "working class" feel good about itself instead of admitting its global exploiter role. Pointing to the political weaknesses of others becomes the excuse for our own ineptitude. By pointing to the backwardness of others, we absolve ourselves, and sometimes go further and call enemy activity "false consciousness" of friends. When we finally do find someone good at clandestine struggle, our dumbocrats are sure to cry foul and cover up successes so that the international proletariat cannot perceive them.

As if there were a proletarian majority in the united $tates, our dumbocrats will say that we lead to elitism. We reply that we are not global elitists, only elitists inside ruling class countries like the united $tates. Amerikkkans are the ruling class. By definition what we are doing is preparing intra-ruling class struggle. Simply wishing otherwise does not change the relations of super-exploitation governing the economic interactions between the united $tates and the rest of the world.

Yes, people of ruling class background are typical of the spy with symbolic reasoning capabilities. This we admit to our dumbocrats, but in the united $tates, the time and living standard for anyone to learn such skills is available. Not asking for the contributions that can be made is the mediocrity deviation. Our disempowered sycophants of the left-wing of parasitism do not even know what success is anymore. MIM has to set the bar and show people the definition.