This is an archive of the former website of the Maoist Internationalist Movement, which was run by the now defunct Maoist Internationalist Party - Amerika. The MIM now consists of many independent cells, many of which have their own indendendent organs both online and off. MIM(Prisons) serves these documents as a service to and reference for the anti-imperialist movement worldwide.

Maoist Internationalist Movement

International Party Relations update

By International Minister October 24 2006

MIM is trying to encourage parties to go ahead with their plans by raising the red flag ourselves so everyone can see what kind of flag we are raising. Sometimes you get to a complicated point made even more complicated by security problems and at that time you must raise the red flag high to stop the vacillations and see where people stand.

On the CPI(Maoist), again people wonder really what the difference with MIM is. They are banned. It is difficult to know, so MIM raises the red flag:
1) They do not speak for a purge/ostracism of Iranians calling for defeat of Iran by U.$. imperialism. In this regard, they may look poorly compared with the CPI(ML). If there are no Indian parties willing to purge or ostracize those working with the u.$. imperialists to defeat a non-imperialist country, then MIM is under no obligation to pick any of them. They could all be fake parties and the people of India will need to rectify that. It might be important for MIM to tell them that.

2) The CPI(Maoist) have no public stand on the labor aristocracy and Occupied Mexico/Aztlan.

These are basic questions for MIM.

Regarding questions others are asking us:
1) No, we do not see any Maoists in Afghanistan today. As soon as any attack U.$. imperialism, MIM will call for united front and will go further and recognize a Maoist party if it agrees with our cardinal principles, the purge of the Iran traitors, the purge of the Peru peace accords people and the recognition of Occupied Mexico/Aztlan. Right now we do not see any Afghans worthy of united front under the banner of "communist." That could change, but people who think we have not followed this closely are wrong. The real way to prove MIM wrong is in practice.

2) No, we do not recognize the leadership of the Russian Maoist Party.

3) Do we realize that Russian Maoist Party, the alleged Afghan Liberation Organization and Indian comrades may run off without us, who knows where? Yes. It does not concern us, because we are not trying to count votes in a Comintern. We are struggling for principle. If we achieve unity, good. If not, then we need to keep struggling.

4) The CPI(Maoist) stance on Indian fascism does not bother us. There, the BJP and Congress have links to finance capital. Maybe even CPI(M) does. When these parties run governments, their paramilitary, police and army are fascist agents.

Could there be a provincial or tribal authority that is not fascist? Yes, if they have no links to finance capital. We want the CPI(Maoist) to accept the universal principle behind the definition of fascism and fully join the international communist movement, and it will have to decide who has links to finance capital and who does not in India.

5) We were asked about Mussolini. Did he always have links to finance capital? The question is contemplative idealist. It's the wrong question. The right question is, "was Mussolini anything before he obtained links to finance capital?" He started as a "socialist," so perhaps at first he was something because of the Italian workers. Then he became fascist, and his links to finance capital became possible.

Crazy ideas are floating around all the time. They only become important and forceful when classes seize them. There will be people in the revolution who have had crazy ideas but never got a chance to be scooped up by the rulers either. The Italian ruling class scooped up Mussolini.

There was religious terrorism before there was Mussolini, before there was fascism. Scientific communist strategy has to come from an approach that breaks down history into component pieces, periods.

6) If Sarbedaran was reported as attacking U.$. interests, we would surely have to question the report as a CIA plant.

Thus, if Sarbedaran, Afghans, Castroites, RMP etc. want to run off, they should. MIM is going to stick with practice as the principal criterion and we are going to uphold united front, especially for countries undergoing imperialist invasion.

Five points for unity


Here is our proposal for unity:
1) Maoists have purges. RCP=CIA, Sarbedaran and pro-peace accords people of Peru and their conciliators have to go.

2) Maoists have united front with countries under imperialist invasion. Castro deserves united front support, not recognition as a scientific communist.

3) Fascists have links to finance capital. If they are under attack by imperialists militarily and they have no new puppet-master, then they are not fascists anymore. The CPI(Maoist) can decide who has links to finance capital in India.

4) There is no proof of currently alive Maoism in Afghanistan. When practice changes, we can acknowledge united front after an attack on U.$. imperialism and perhaps upgrade relations to Maoists in Afghanistan if they come to exist. This also has to do with upholding Lin Biao's "Long Live the Victory of People's War."

5) Russian Maoist Party needs to overthrow its leadership, which has stood by silently for seven months as the Iran crisis unfolded. It actually entered into centralism with counterrevolutionary Sarbedaran.

If these five conditions in addition to MIM's cardinal principles as already known by all are too difficult, then comrades should by all means go ahead and hoist their own flag. MIM has to think about delivering clear messages and examples. It cannot just compromise away everything just because others threaten to go off and form or join a Comintern.

Sometimes we have a hunch about someone, that they would make a good Maoist. MIM is currently supporting a "buy red" policy globally to pursue hunches and support people in the pre-party stage. In the "buy red" stage, we should not force people to take up their own vanguard party status if they cannot run a newspaper/website themselves. If relations among vanguard parties start to depend on people at the pre-party stage, it will cause chaos and a loss of definition. We understand the queasiness of vanguard parties in offering no support to people starting the Maoist struggle. The people we have hunches about should be supported with a "buy red" policy, a kind of Liberalism, but we should not recognize vanguard parties where they do not exist. That just builds confusion. So our support policies and our party relations policies should be separate. Some of our hunches will turn out true and vanguard parties will form.

MIM has had to spell this out in public, because of security conditions. MIM is attempting open diplomacy to the best of its ability. Comrades should go ahead internationally and issue their own papers and web pages on how to deal with this problem. If MIM's proposal is unsatisfactory, it should not be a basis to hold up action of other parties in the meantime.