MIM(Prisons) is a cell of revolutionaries serving the oppressed masses inside U.$. prisons, guided by the communist ideology of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism.
Under Lock & Key is a news service written by and for prisoners with a focus on what is going on behind bars throughout the United States. Under Lock & Key is available to U.S. prisoners for free through MIM(Prisons)'s Free Political Literature to Prisoners Program, by writing:
MIM(Prisons) PO Box 40799 San Francisco, CA 94140.
As we were assembling the copy for Under Lock & Key 83,
Ruchell “Cinque” Magee died on 17 October 2023. We did not learn of eir
death in time to announce it in that issue.
The Labor Action Committee to Free Mumia Abu Jamal recently held a
memorial event for Comrade Cinque. The lawyer who helped fight for
Cinque’s last minute clemency release told a story of how the state’s
attorney baited Magee on the stand. The lawyer asked Cinque what ey
would do if the bailiff’s gun was sitting on the table right in front of
em. Comrade Cinque responded that ey would pick up the gun, take the
bailiff hostage and use the hostage to get to the local news channel to
get eir story heard.
Sundiata Tate also spoke emotionally on behalf of the hardship that
Comrade Cinque went through, spending eir entire adult life in prison,
67 years. The brutal conditions ey faced. And eir insistence on going
through it all without kneeling down to the oppressor, but staying on
eir feet.
Attendees appreciated the portrait
of Cinque by comrade AK47 featured in ULK 83 and many
grabbed a copy. Comrades made the connection to Cinque’s life and
struggle as a Prison War Veteran to the state’s use of prison as a tool
of war against the oppressed.
It has become customary for the state to release political prisoners
shortly before they die, to soften the potential blow back of a death in
their custody. They do so at no risk of the comrade contributing to the
revolutionary movement after release. A speaker shared the precious
moments Cinque had with eir family members in eir last months, most of
whom ey was meeting for the first time in eir life. But a real victory
for the people will be when we keep true freedom fighters out of the
oppressor’s prisons. That is a sign of winning the war.
The Supreme Court of the United $tates (SCOTU$) has been busy this past year. With the overturning of Roe v. Wade still fresh in the public consciousness, the last month has seen the demise of student loan relief and affirmative action.
None of these rulings are of grave interest to Maoists on Occupied Turtle Island. College is seldom in reach for the lumpen and proletariat of this continent, and affirmative action in universities (especially Harvard, the topic of this case) concerns the comprador classes of the oppressed nations more than it does the masses. Despite its faux celebration of diversity, the 15% “African-American” portion of Harvard’s student population is anything but representational. The interesting aspect of these rulings, insofar as they exist, is how the rulings relate to the broader Amerikan assimilation strategy of the oppressed nations. The rulings may indicate a more general wavering of assimilation as a strategy for semi-colonial management or that the strategy has been sufficiently completed such that it may begin gradual discontinuation. There is also the strong possibility that we are witnessing the legal expression of the reactionary wing of social-fascist hegemony overpowering its liberal elements.
Though the material impact of these rulings on Maoist organizing are not terribly significant (especially within prisons), the spree of rulings serve as an opportunity to reflect on the nature and purpose of law in bourgeois society. We’ll take the time here to briefly glance over the persynal ideologies and behaviors of two of the more noteworthy SCOTU$ members, use these to reflect on the liberal worldview of law more generally, then transition to a materialist explanation of law and justice. Let’s begin with some words from Chief Justice Roberts.
In a September interview with Colorado Springs 10th Circuit judges, 2022, Roberts described the “gut wrenching” experience of his daily commute to the Supreme Court. Following a draft opinion leak that revealed the Court’s intention to overturn Roe v. Wade, the building had been surrounded by a staff of guards and newly-erected barricades. This change was to the discomfort of Roberts and his colleagues, who shared stake in the tale that their careers were in justice, and not law. After lamenting the oppressive arm of the state’s failure to keep an appropriate distance from him, Roberts spent the majority of the remaining interview pearl-clutching over the public’s lack of faith in the Court’s independence from politics. He painted a troubling tale of what Amerika would look like if the courts were just a piece of political machinery like Congress of the Presidency. His persistence in the apolitical nature of SCOTU$ was unwavering.
Since then, details have come to light concerning the life of another member of the Court, longest-serving Judge Clarence Thomas, a man who shares in Roberts’ conviction of the apolitical nature of the Courts. To describe the findings of investigators who began breaking stories in April of this year as aspects of Thomas’ persynal life is misleading. We don’t believe there’s anything persynal about them. Of particular note in the latest news splash was Thomas’ close relationship with prominent Republican financier Harlan Crow, a collector of Nazi memorabilia and real-estate mogul of $29 billion in assets. Though Thomas forgot to put them on his financial records, flight records reveal he has enjoyed over two decades of apolitical weekly summer visits to Crow’s private resort in the Adirondacks, vacations on Crow’s superyacht, and flights on Global 5000 jets. Thomas’ grandnephew also enjoyed the generous patronage of Crow, who had paid his way through private boarding school. In 2005, a case involving Trammell Crow Residential Co. found itself before the Supreme Court. The company was being sued $25 million for (allegedly) using copywritten building designs. The order by the court denying the petition to hear the case consisted of a single sentence. Thomas did not recuse himself from the ruling.
This brings us to the fable we are told of the nature of law in the liberal world order. When we think of law, we are often brought to conjure images of court debates, evidence inquiry, or statuettes of scale-holding, blindfolded wimmin dressed in Graeco-Roman garb. These images are designed to have us associate law with the long history of philosophic investigation into the matter, of which there are over two millennia of content. More specifically, we are meant to sympathize with the enlightenment-era revival of these ideas, lest we think in units of cities and societies, as Socrates or Plato would have us do, rather than individuals, like Kant and the liberal framework he filtered these discussions through. But any talk of justice or morality is incomplete without discussing how these ideas change (or, much more likely, reinforce) the way humyn beings relate to each other in society. Indeed, it should tell us something that Amerikan conventions of justice derive from the social traditions of ancient Greek Hoplite classes. That is to say, the quarter of Greek society (in the case of Athens, the most “equalitarian” example one could choose from) that sat atop a social pyramid of slaves. Though the law did not extend agency to these lower classes, it was very concerned with them.
Only the wretchedly naive buy into the Court’s mythos of impartiality. In part, this is due simply to how unsubtle they are about this reality. The Supreme Court, for instance, is known for its habit of pre-planning sessions to throw a few bones to liberalism before saving the announcement of profoundly reactionary rulings for the end (this particular session was no exception: loan relief and affirmative action were taken to roost only after the entre of indigenous adoption and limitations on gerrymandering). Though intentions don’t matter in politics as they are speculative and unknowable to anyone but the subject, the behavior of the Court in these matters is apparent; they are deeply concerned with their relation to partisan politics and structure their role in the state apparatus around this reality.
But all this is to miss the main essence of the bourgeois fiction about legal justice. The ideology of Roberts, and bourgeois dictatorship in general, insists on an illusion that neither the Greeks nor Kant were ever under the spell of. We find justice and law proposed to us as a single concept, yet the two are barely related. The illusion of the synonymity of justice and law depends on the thinker approaching law from an individualist perspective. It may, for instance, feel like justice when someone who starts a petty fight on the street gets charged, but law is not manufactured on the individual level; as policy, it is a society-wide institution and serves a society-wide function. Law serves a far more critical function than social conventions of justice. When you think of Lady Justice, do you recall that she carries a sword in her right hand?
Despite their ideological pretenses, the courts admit this distinction between law and justice in their united front of “originalist” interpretation. When interrogation of the practical effects of their decisions prevent the Justices from waxing over the moralist namesake of their title, the oft heard defense for their ultra-reaction is that their job is not to make ethical decisions, but to interpret the constitution as it was written. Even the antipode of this wing who believe the constitution is a “living document” work within the same framework: the text will give us the answers and it is therein that law will be made.
To posit legal interpretation as an objective endeavor (sometimes referred to as “textualist reading”) is a difficult argument to take seriously, despite two centuries of top Amerikan legal minds insisting that we do so. Indeed, “objective law” is an oxymoron. The Maoist understanding of legality is much less fanciful: law is the codification of social relations. Under capitalism, that means the writing down of acceptable parameters for ownership and exchange in such a way as to ensure the maintenance and expansion of current (capitalist) relations. This can be seen in the early history of law, which followed, in all its independent developments, agriculture – the great first-permitter of primitive accumulation.
The primary development that brings law into being is the social invention of the concept of ownership. This concept of ownership comes about necessarily in pairing with general law. Let’s look at law in its cell form to elaborate this point. Say I am a wheat farmer who labors to produce 20lb of grain. With bourgeois consciousness, I conceptualize this process as myself putting active labor into seed and soil, and seeing (throughout a growing season) that labor be embodied into a crop. Of note here is that I am not my labor. I made my labor, but it is not me. Instead, my labor has been embodied in the crop. This embodiment Marxists call value. However, at this stage, my labor embodied in the crop is only potential value. Value, for Marxists, is a social phenomenon. See, if I were the only person on Earth, objective determinations of value would be impossible as I could subjectively declare the worth of anything around me without challenge. As a farmer in a capitalist economy, however, I do not plant crops because I find wheat persynally valuable. No, I make it so I can sell it on the market. In this process of (market) exchange, the potential value of my product becomes realized value. For the value of my product to realize its value, it must be desired by another persyn who wants to impose their will on the product to the exclusion of others, including myself. This is a fancy way of saying that the buyer wants to be able to eat the grain or bake it into a cake without having to share it between now and then. Here enters the social concept of ownership. When I bring my wheat to market, I have a social right to it and become a social subject. When someone else wants to buy it, they are also a social subject, and if we agree to exchange, the social concept of ownership for the wheat transfers to them. In short: (i) I own the wheat, (ii) I sell them the wheat, (iii) now they own the wheat. When enough members of an ownership class get together and create a society-wide, binding contract to enforce their ownership over objects, that contract becomes law, and the apparatus that enforces this ownership code becomes the state. Wheat is an apt example because agricultural goods formed the foundations of the first states, ruled by land-owning classes.
In the second chapter of Volume 1 of Capital, Marx tells this very narrative (though in denser terminology),
“It is plain that commodities cannot go to market and make exchanges of their own account. We must, therefore, have recourse to their guardians, who are also their owners … In order that these objects may enter into relation with each other as commodities, their guardians must place themselves in relation to one another, as persons whose will resides in those objects, and must behave in such a way that each does not appropriate the commodity of the other, and part with his own, except by means of an act done by mutual consent. They must therefore, mutually recognize in each other the rights of private proprietors. This juridical relation, which thus expresses itself in a contract, whether such contract be part of a developed legal system or not, is a relation between two wills”.
From this humble origin, it may be seen that law is not derived from moral notions. The two are only related insofar as they are like products formed to justify the same class society. Worse, law in our time is inherently unjust, as it is no more than an appendage of the apparatus of the Amerikan state (or Amerikan imperialism when imposed on the world at large). Law is the codified will of a state, itself the guarantor of relations of production and exchange. As such, there are no prisoners who are not political prisoners. But law is not the frontline of class struggle.
Class domination, in both its organized and unorganized form, is much broader than what is officially enshrined by any wing of state power. Beyond mere law, the dominion of this regime is expressed in the dependence of the government on banks, capitalist, labor-aristocratic groupings, the persynal connections of state apparatchiks with the ruling class (a la Thomas), and the semi-colonial management of the oppressed nations. None of these relations have any official codification in law. Nevertheless, it is on legal grounds that bourgeois society protects itself in the continuation and expansion of these horrific realities. State authority, that special force separated from society we know all too well, may bridge the gaps on its own. Bourgeois law need not directly sanction bourgeois right, imperialism, and national supremacy. Indeed, it would be against ruling-class interest to be so explicit. Bourgeois law need only provide the framework to get these tasks done, the state will pick up the slack.
With this origin and purpose of law in mind, considering SCOTU$ as a non-ideological institution becomes as absurd as Justice Roberts’ faint of heart over what the outcome of his job looks like to the portions of humynity who live below the steps of the ornate buildings he spends his life sheltered within. For the masses, the juxtaposition of Hellenic architecture and barbed wire is so far from “gut wrenching” that it’s almost cliche. There is no more fitting a place for riot gear and sandbags than the courts, except perhaps Wall Street and Southern Manhattan.
We explored some of the developments of the Cop City struggle in our article The Struggle Against Cop City in Atlanta in ULK 81. Cop City, or the “Atlanta Public Safety Training Center” as the state calls it, has recently begun construction in Weelaunee Forest in Southwest Atlanta. This effort is funded primarily by the City of Atlanta and is to be owned and operated by the Atlanta Police Foundation. This is a pig training center with a supposed construction cost of $90 million, which will include a fake cityscape for police to learn tactics for suppressing urban resistance. This pig training center is part of a larger assault by the Amerikan state on New Afrikan communities and neighborhoods, along with the rise in gentrification, mass surveillance, police brutality and imprisonment rates. Some readers may remember the establishment of the community-run Rayshard Brooks Peace Center in 2020 and the subsequent state repression. No one can doubt that New Afrikan oppression is intensifying as the police and prison apparatus of the state continues to wreck havoc for the interests of the Euro-Amerikan nation.
In response to these developments, many diverse groups have organized against Cop City. For a while construction in Cop City was stalled because of forest defender activists occupying the intended site of deforestation, resisting raids by police to move them off the site. In this struggle an indigenous anarchist who went by the name Tortuguita was viciously murdered by police agents in a final raid of the forest.
Ongoing Developments in the Struggle
As the Stop Cop City movement continues, dozens of forest defenders and other protesters have been arrested on various felonies, from “domestic terrorism” to “intimidation of an officer.” For example, on 5 March 2023, Atlanta police arrested 23 protesters on “domestic terrorism” charges due to alleged property damage and trespassing, and that number has since risen to more than 40 over the last few months.(1, 2) These felonies are at least 20-year sentences in Georgia.
The state’s repeated arrests were an obvious cause for concern. A non-profit, the Atlanta Solidarity Fund, organized funding to bail out these protesters who were the target of state repression. On 31 May 2023, the 3 organizers of that fund have also been arrested, charged with “money laundering” and “charity fraud.”(3) This is yet another example of the state suppressing even the most legal forms of resistance.
While the DeKalb district attorney has declined to prosecute the arrests related to Cop City due to the unpopularity of Cop City, the Georgia attorney general has taken the cases and will still prosecute them.(4)
A “Stop Cop City” referendum petition has been filed (and approved on 21 June 2023) that will put Cop City on the Atlanta ballot if 75,000 signatures are produced in less than 60 days after the approval.(5) Many of the groups against Cop City have focused on this effort, which may have the unfortunate effect of completely legalizing the struggle (which is not a strategy for long-term political development).
Bigger than Cop City
As Maoists we always seek to develop a dialectical materialist perspective that correctly denotes the relations of nation, class, and gender at play. Cop City is no exception. One of the most critical weaknesses of the Stop Cop City movement is that an advanced politics (one that is revolutionary nationalist and aimed at the long-term struggle) is not yet a leading line. If this problem is not properly resolved, the movement will give way to movementism and the Stop Cop City struggle will fizzle out like the 2020 BLM struggle, becoming co-opted into liberal electioneering politics.
We must also look at the global nature of Cop City. The Atlanta Police Foundation is funded by Amerikan finance kapital, from the likes of Wells Fargo, JP Morgan, Amazon, Delta Airlines, and Waffle House.(6) Prisons and policing are not a struggle unique to the United $tates. The development of these bourgeois state organs are being rapidly replicated around the world. Cop City can and will be a test run for building pig facilities among the Third World nations as capitalism-imperialism decays. The struggle against Cop City will thus also play a part in the larger anti-imperialist struggle, and this is why developing a revolutionary nationalist line on Cop City is a must in this struggle.
Towards a preliminary analysis, we can say that Cop City is an intensification of New Afrikan oppression in Atlanta. The Euro-Amerikan nation – both Euro-Amerikan kapital and Euro-Amerikan communities – is united towards the policy of increased policing, gentrification, and imprisonment of New Afrikan and other oppressed nation communities. The Stop Cop City movement requires a united front, one that includes all those groups opposed to these methods of oppression, whether these groups be New Afrikan, Indigenous, Chicano, Euro-Amerikan, etc, but maintains some form of dialectical-materialist, revolutionary nationalist leadership in order to expand scientifically.
We have readers often tell us they want to start non-profits, but the Cop City arrests show that there are limitations to this type of organization: the state can and does retaliate against non-profits who pose a threat to the Amerikan state’s interest. The Atlanta Solidarity Fund is one example, where the Amerikan state has no problem arresting protesters or even legal organizers under charges of money laundering if they pose enough of a threat to its expansionary interests.
Cop City reminds us of the need for independent institutions of the oppressed which are flexible and secure, and involve the masses at every step of operation. Campaigns like “Stop Cop City,” or “Abolish Control Units,” attack the war apparatus that is aimed at the population within U.$. borders, especially the internal semi-colonies. As the above recent events demonstrate, we must build organizations that are prepared for the repressive response of the state.
Revolutionary salutations to all Texas USW comrades, leaders,
supporters, and those reading this wonderful newspaper for the first
time. In issue #75 there was some dialogue
regarding the BP 3.91 and i would like to speak to some things.
Comrades, as you all read in the last issue, Allred RHU went on
hunger strike in protest not only against B.P.-3.91, but also the
illegal use of solitary confinement as practiced via RHU, and we also
fought for other pressing issues. Due to this action, on September 8th i
was pulled off the outside rec yard, and brought to a cage; this cage is
very similar to the one illustrated by the comrade in the last issue. Me
and another New Afrikan brother were the only two of all the strikers
who went through this. After standing in the cage for about 30 mins to
an hour I was informed by an inmate worker that “they takin all yo
shit.” By this i assumed he meant food/beverage items of which i only
possessed empty condiment bottles so I had no worries. Half an hour
later, the property officer and a lieutenant come to escort me. They
tell me i will have to send property, particularly books, home; i have
too many and they may not be given to another prisoner. As they say this
i have heated words with the property officer, and have to be escorted
by a major and some others. They bring me to the office and outside my
property (all of it including state property) is slung everywhere. I’m
irate to say the least.
It is at that time that i entered an office with regional director
David Blackwell, along with three unit wardens. Here is a brief overview
of what was said pertaining to the B.P.-3.91 policy.
So this policy was supposedly pushed for by these “family groups”. He
mentioned Texas Inmate Families Association(TIFA) as the main culprit.
Supposedly one of the TIFA members has a brother who’s a sex
offender(S.O.), and she learned that he was allowed to write pen pals
who sent her brother sexually charged letters. Further investigation led
the sister in question to observe that he could also view/receive
pictures of women as long as the female wasn’t showing her “parts”. This
woman was immediately concerned that her brother was not being allowed
the proper environment to rehabilitate his behavior, and this is what
led to the rule change.
In case you don’t know, every week, like clock work, TIFA and other
family groups like the Families for Air Conditioning in TDCJ, have
phone/zoom conferences with the executive director and other top
personnel. In these conferences these groups are having influence on
policy changes and other things that affect us here in prison. The issue
is that these groups are not in contact with the masses, which in this
case is US, the captives. TIFA has a $25 membership fee yearly, and
imprisoned people can join. However, imprisoned voices are a minority,
and are/will be over rode by the petty-bourgeois/labor aristocrat
elements which dominate this terrain and don’t allow prisoners to
practice any level of self-determination. Even worse is that these
groups (TIFA in particular) do not even reply to inquiries from
prisoners. The pigs mentioned above provided me with their info to
contact and begin dialogue. I’ve wrote, I’ve e-mailed, I’ve DM’d, and
have gotten no response. This is on trend as we of TX TEAM ONE have
repeatedly contacted them in the past during our previous 3 hunger
strikes in the last 4 years, not including this year’s. Never have we
received any reply. So what does this tell us?
It tells us that the class divide is very profound in the TX prison
movement, even on the “left”. It tells us that at this present juncture
we can not collaborate with such reformers in any concrete way. Our
movement MUST be prisoner-led.
Speaking specifically to the BP-3.91 issue, from observation one can
see that these pigs are picking and choosing when/where to enforce this
rule. THE RULE DID PASS! Initially we were told that it hadn’t, that’s
not the case. Not only did this Director tell us so, but as i scribe
this, Allred Unit has been under rolling lock down and the pigs (from
what We in RHU are being told) are solely focused on pics, mags, etc. We
in RHU haven’t been hit yet. Last week the ACA came to the unit. An
audit. The pigs were verbally reprimanded (the wardens were) by ACA
personnel for even operating the lockdown/shake down while they are/were
still supposed to be under COVID protocol. This is a violation of CDC
guidelines, which is one of the things we called attention to during the
strike. The ACA demanded the wardens to cease the shake down. They did
so for the week the ACA was here, yet today (9 November 2021) We’ve
heard that they’ve resumed on the ECB building, and are to be coming
here next. U.S. weekly and Cosmopolitan have been denied here.
The legal standing they’re trying to stand on with this move is that
if they were to target specifically sex offenders with this rule while
not applying it to the masses of the prison population who are not S.O.s
then they open themselves up for suit by the S.O.s for discrimination.
What it boils down to is We’re gonna have to come together and fight
this through litigation. Simple.
We encourage others who are SERIOUS about litigating this issue to
contact us. While our writers within TEAM ONE are busy challenging RHU
confinement, We can possibly put all Our heads together to formulate a
way forward. All those who’ve filed step 1 & 2, and look to move
forward towards litigation should reach out to us: Tx TeamOne/ 113
Stockhom, #1A/ Brooklyn, NY 11221
I am being transferred to another prison for inciting the whole
entire population with a statement that said i am an ‘Illuminati
Killer.’
I’m out of their established isolation unit and now being housed in a
quarantine housing unit. The housing unit is a 300 cell living unit,
double cell. There are probably 30 individuals scattered throughout the
entire facility/unit. All individuals housed here are from several
different institutional facility yards. None are General
Population(G.P.) that i know of.
SATF (Substance Abuse Treatment Facility) is bleeding the state for
medical benefits, like claiming this building as a medical facility,
under the guise of COVID quarantine. But the administration is using the
building as an isolation unit. All of the guys housed here are said to
be in transit, transitioning from some place to another, but on the cool
they all are trouble makers of the California Department of Corrections
and “rehabilitation” (CDCR). We get zero yard, zero dayroom, zero
facility activities like law library, education, canteen, vocation, etc.
They terminated all of our privileges except for writing a letter. And
if one doesn’t have postage stamps, it sucks to be you.
The current CDCR 602 [grievance form] is being remodeled thanks to
the San Quentin Prison Law Office’s latest negotiation to the
Armstrong lawsuit against CDCR to wire the institutions for
cameras and microphones to protect the disabled prisoners being abused
by pigs and covered up by crooked administrators trying to protect their
skeletons from being leaked to the public.
So chances of getting a 602 going anywhere right now is more slim
than the yester years.
Rumor has it that a pig killed emself not long ago, due to state
layoffs. So the bull shit is in the air. Free staff are refusing to come
to work in support of the California Correctional Peace Officers
Association (CCPOA) work strike against prison closures. The attitude is
that prisoners ain’t got shit coming right now at SATF. And if they try
pushing the issue, then label them a gang leader and transfer them into
an active gladiator environment.
The cadre here are educated to concentrate on being released. Don’t
bite into the pigs provocation. They are doing everything they can to
prevent us from seeing that free society because they understand the
power that we have with zero attachments and very little loyalty to what
they are loyal to. Leaders are locating Agent Smith in their comfort
zones, gyms, churches, restaurants, etc and revisiting some very awkward
conversations that originated on the prison yard.
Tupac Shakur responds to an interviewer That’s why i
put the ‘k’ to it. Know what? Niggas was telling me about this
illuminati shit while i’m in jail, right, like “the dollar, you know.”
That’s another way to keep yourself in chains yo. That’s another way to
keep you unconfident. And i put the ‘k’ there cuz i’m killing that
illuminati shit, trust me!”
DISL Automatic:
People yellin’ “Wake up!”
But they’re still dreamin
They say “killuminati”
But they don’t know the meaning
They took Pac’s saying way out of context
’Cuz what he meant is that illuminati shit is nonsense
he wasn’t saying we should kill anybody,
he was saying we should kill that talk of illuminati
’Cuz all it is is a bunch of hocus pocus
to make us feel powerless and shift all of our focus
from the corporations and the corrupt government
to the secret societies and sacred covenants
That’s what they want so they don’t have to take you serious
They brush you off as a conspiracy theorist.
On 29 March 2021 around 3:00AM, a 13-year-old lumpen Mexican youth
named Adam Toledo was murdered by the pigs of the Chicago Police
Department. Before the murder, around 2:30 AM, the Chicago Police
Department’s ShotSpotter technology - a privately owned surveillance
system which monitors gunshots primarily in oppressed nation lumpen
areas of Chicago(1) – detected a number of gunshots on the West Side of
Chicago. Specifically, the shots were said to have come from the
predominantly Chicano/Mexican migrant neighborhood of “Little
Village.”(2) Alongside the crime scene was Toledo’s associate Roman
Ruben, and an Amerikan Chicago pig named Eric Stillman who pulled the
trigger at 13 year old Adam.(3) After Adam unarmed himself, the pig
immediately shot Adam in the chest – killing him instantly.
The mayor of Chicago, Lori Lightfoot, and other bureaucrats of the
city government, have played a massive role in covering up this
extrajudicial killing of an oppressed nation youth. The recent uprisings
in regards to the murder of George Floyd and other murders of New
Afrikans by Amerikan pigs seemed to have made quite an impression on the
imperialists and the comprador bourgeoisie of the oppressed nations.
With the lead up to the release of the body cam footage, every pig in
Chicago has had its days off cancelled. The pigs of the CPD has claimed
this has been for the “public safety” of Chicago. Us Maoists know that
what they really want is security, not “public safety.” It will be the
oppressed nation lumpen who will have to take on the responsibilities of
creating safety and most importantly, peace among the masses. The New
Afrikan comprador Mayor Lightfoot has also stated: “Let us not forget
that a mother’s child is dead. Siblings are without their brother. And
this community is again grieving.”(4) It’s ironic how the comprador
reminds the masses that the masses are grieving! The mayor seems to be
saying that political criticisms of oppression and brutality are
inappropriate during times of profound tragedies. With regards to this
attitude, we tell our readers that tragedies don’t exist isolated from
their surroundings, and there are material political-economic reasons as
to why these murders of oppressed nation youth by pigs happen in our
society.
The Pig’s POV and the
Reactionary Apologia
After the deployment of all Chicago pigs – and the cynical concern of
comprador Mayor Lightfoot – the body cam video has been released on
April 15th after calls to release the footage by the Mexican/Chicano
community and the parents of Adam Toledo. The footage shows the pig
running towards Adam yelling at him to stop and to show him his hands.
As Adam raised his hands, the cop immediately fired his weapon and the
bullet hit his chest. Adam drops to the ground and the pigs call for
medical back up stating that shots have been fired by police. (5)
The usual discourse and apologia surrounding cop killings started to
roll in amongst the Amerikans and their reactionary lapdogs: “the cop
was most likely scared”; “the 13 year old had a gun”; and “it’s sad what
happened, but the 21-year-old Roman Ruben who manipulated Adam is the
real villain.”
What Amerikans and their lapdogs forget to remember is this: Amerika
waged war against the oppressed nations. This war might have not been
stated by the president as the war against New Afrikans, Chican@s, and
the oppressed nations in word verbatim but a war has been waged
nevertheless. The thin masking of this war by calling it a war against
“drugs” or war against “crime” is not the issue. So with that being
cleared up, we respond to these apologias with a question: did you
expect your enemies of war to fight with sticks and stones? Of course
the people you waged war against will have a gun. The assumption that
pig Eric Stillman was feeling scared contradicts the claims made against
Adam and Roman as criminals deserving of punishment. Adam probably felt
scared as well running away from one of the most dangerous pig forces in
the United $tates. Adam and Roman surely felt scared growing up in the
West Side of Chicago being of oppressed nation origins. Should every
wrong doing of Adam and Roman be just swept away then? Us Maoists say
that with politicization and rehabilitation, people like Adam and Roman
(oppressed nation lumpen youth) are some of the best positioned to
become revolutionary and overthrow this system that arises violence and
crime in the first place. What historical duties do cops like Eric
Hillman serve? To defend and serve the security of imperialism and
capitalism.
The ALKQN Strikes
Back: Fact or Propaganda?
In the midst of all this, Adam’s affiliation with the Lumpen
Organization (L.O.) the Almighty Latin King/Queen Nation(ALKQN) has
surfaced. Sources from ALKQN associates and other L.O. affiliates’
social media posts have referred to him as “Bvby Diablo” and “Lil
Homicide.”(6) The ALKQN has a long history of revolutionary political
organizing, and even working with Maoists.(7) While transforming the
entire ALKQN to a revolutionary vanguard has been unsuccessful and
ultimately a failure, new projects and dedicated comrades have arose
from the campaign of Latin Kings work with MIM such as the Noble Young
Lords Party.(8)
Days after Adam was killed, the pigs in Chicago issued an “officer
safety alert.” The CPD’s narcotics unit have heard that factions within
the ALKQN on the Southwest side of Chicago have issued an order to their
members to shoot at unmarked Chicago police vehicles.(9) This has raised
another discourse of whether violence is justified, and sparked as ammo
for the reactionaries’ justifying pig Eric Stillman’s crime.
This author believes that the ALKQN is completely capable of making
these threats, and also completely capable of shooting at unmarked
police vehicles. If these threats were made, and the actions carried
out, we only condemn the act of making military offenses at the enemy
while not being able to defend the masses from retaliation by the pigs.
As we stated before, the masses will pay for the adventurist errors of
leaders.(10) What we also want to highlight, however, is that it is just
as much a possibility this information has been disseminated by the pigs
to cause provocation amongst the Chican@/Mexican L.O.s of Chicago. We
advise our readers with a call for discipline during these times when
contradictions heighten. Romantic attacks towards the enemy can only do
so much, and the consequences of raids and military occupation are not
worth the lumpen romance.
This is a statement of unity issued by Dead Man Incorporated(DMI) to
inform all concerned of our alignment to and full co-operation with the
United Front for Peace in Prisons.
After discussion we have come to the general consensus that a unity
amongst us and other oppressed peoples caught up in the struggle would
best suit all involved in the interest of our common goal of ending the
tyranny of the imperialist states.
The maintaining of the principles of the UFPP are critical and
imperative in our mission. We, as DMI, value Peace, Unity, Growth,
Internationalism and Independence. From henceforth each of us promise to
uphold those principles; mind, body and spirit.
Furthermore, let it be known that We as DMI stand in alliance with
the UNited Struggle from Within.
In early March [2020], at the beginning stages of the public
information campaign regarding the COVID-19 pandemic, I was informed of
preventative methods such as wearing a mask and hand washing by family
and friends on the outside. I began to educate the other prisoners at
Valley State Prison (VSP) of the pandemic and how the administration was
trying to down play the severity of the situation.
I decided to exercise my influence by leading by example, so my first
step was to create my own face mask, second step I wore it in public
every time I got the chance. At first I looked and felt rather silly
because I was the only one wearing a mask; not even medical
staff were wearing masks. People were calling me paranoid and
hypochondriac, they said it was not that serious and the virus would not
come into prison.
One day while going to A-yard dining hall a really rude officer named
Miss Avila stopped me and confiscated my mask and told me “Inmates are
not allowed to wear a mask.” I was also warned by another officer that
worked regularly in my building, that I was causing a hysteria among the
prisoners by wearing my mask. He also said he believed the pandemic was
just a hoax.
By the end of April, CDCR’s Prison Industry Authority(PIA) starts
creating and distributing masks to all of California’s imprisoned
population. Medical staff began to wear masks, but custody staff
officers still refused to wear any masks. Officers would harass any
prisoners not wearing masks, although it was hot and the masks were
uncomfortable we wore the masks as a symbol out of solidarity we want to
protect one another, in particular our elderly population and those with
high risk medical conditions. But the officers still refused to
participate with us by wearing a mask. On 24 April 2020 we united around
a common interest as imprisoned lumpen striving to build a healthy
environment and we filed a group Appeal L (602) Log# VSP-A-20-01089 with
12 prisoners and on 5 May 2020 a memorandum was issued ordering “All
Staff” Mandatory wearing of cloth barrier masks by warden R. Fisher
Jr. On 5 June 2020 our inmate appeal was partially granted and all staff
was mandated to wear “cloth barrier masks.” I want to thank MIM for
encouraging me to exercise my influence by creating a united front and
helping me to turn my knowledge into political organizing.
MIM(Prisons) adds: This is an example of real
leadership. Recognizing what the material needs of the people are, and
sticking your neck out to lead by example in how to meet those needs.
The people soon recognized this leadership and followed. This is just
one of many examples we have printed in recent weeks of prisoncrats
actively resisting safety measures to protect prisoners (and staff).
This is everyday treatment of those in U.$. prisons, it just has more
immediate relevance to the outside world because of the global pandemic.
Supporters of United Struggle from Within join these comrades in these
day-to-day struggles to say “Prisoner Lives Matter!”
On the subject of non-designated yards, the fact that the state’s
actors have sanctioned this social experiment where the labels that the
state themselves created are now being altered by their creators means
that the G.P./SNY dual system has run its course and failed
miserably.
It also means that prisoners have to be re-educated on the history of
prison labels in California, understanding that at one time all
prisoners went to any yard where there was space and they fit the
classification points criteria. The only prisoners who got sent to
special yards at that time were the wealthy, the law enforcement
convicted prisoners, and those media vilified infamous. These yards held
low numbers of prisoners and weren’t easy to get to, or gain reliable
information about. However, once the state actors came up with 50/50
yards, SNY yard, it created new problems that would not only affect
prisoner sub-culture in prison but an even huger problem on the streets
due to the criminals’ new option not to play by the old rules of the
GAME that is not a game.
It’s not a one-size-fits-all on the who’s who level, on the G.P. nor
SNY lines – there are snitches on both sides, rapists on both sides,
hustlers on both sides, politicians on both sides, killers on both
sides, thinkers on both sides, lumpen orgs on both sides. What needs to
be analyzed is why are we still judging one another based solely on
convictions when we have seen 13, White Like Me, we’ve
read The New Jim Crow, Blacked Out Through White Wash,
The Black Panthers Speak, Locked Up But Not Locked
Down, A Taste of Power, and Dark Alliance,
etc.
WE know that all the courts care about is convictions and not truth
or facts. We know that many people who go to trial get railroaded and
made an example of. We know that many of us were forced to make deals
based on the public defender’s inability to provide adequate defense and
we know many prisoners are wrongfully convicted and sentenced to decades
behind these walls. Yet we keep judging our fellow prisoners based upon
convictions from a corrupt system that works to justify its high
percentage of convictions and deals, plea bargains, bails, etc. As one
of the GODS that’s locked inside of this INJUSTICE system I refuse to
take our open enemy’s word about another oppressed prisoner, nor will I
act on behalf of the STATE and harm another prisoner based on what
happened as a result of the United Snakes Criminal Injustice system.
Where I judge is based on the individual’s personal conduct and
willingness to act when the time demands action or when I see them deal
with difficult situations – if they’re rational, measured, and are they
using reason-based decision making or not.
Comrades, we’ve got to think about what unity would bring us that is
impossible if we continue being separated based upon STATE TITLE and
LABELS. The question to all you self-styled revolutionaries is: can
people change? Does experience and education reform an otherwise broken
individual? Can we inspire the Blind, Deaf and Dumb to wake the fuck up
and unite on some active social dynamics that is mutually beneficial to
all commonly oppressed prisoners? Will we educate the next Revolutionary
that will make change a reality? Or are we just pen and paper
revolutionaries?
I wanna talk about an upcoming topic of “sex offenders” and their role
in the struggle. A primary question is, I think, do they have a role in
the struggle? It boils down to our moral outlook on sex offenders who
were convicted by the imperialist justice system. How many
wrongfully-convicted comrades are there in prison? I mean those who are
not sex offenders. Are we wrong when we say that the U.$. imperialist
justice system is broken and biased and oppressive and due to its
historical implementation is invalid? No. I think most agree that this
is the case.
And if that is the case, we cannot make exceptions to certain crimes and
convictions. Or can we?
That leaves us to draw on what we ourselves as communists consider
unlawful under socialism. Sex crimes, like all other physical assault,
are unlawful. But how do we filter the sex offenders convicted by
imperialists into the category with the rest of the convicted so-called
“criminals” who fight within our ranks?
We know on the prison yards that we rely on what we call “paperwork”
which is any police report or transcripts from the preliminary hearing
or trial transcripts or even just mention or allegation that indicates
someone’s involvement of the crime or “snitching” for a dude to be
blacklisted as “no good” on the yard. But that goes back to relying on
an imperialist’s rule of thumb when determining guilt.
Under our own law we would need to measure someone’s guilt by our own
standards and come up with ways of determining how to do so.
But what about the sex offenders who actually are guilty of sex crimes?
Are they banned for life? Is there no “get-back” for them ever? Becuz of
their crime can they provide no contribution to revolution or to society
under a socialist state?
I think they can make a contribution to revolution. And under a
socialist state, after being appropriately punished (not oppressed) and
taught the lesson to be learned against crimes of humanity
rehabilitation can be achieved.
Note that I’m not an advocate for sex offenders, so if I must set aside
emotion and personal disgust for correct political analysis and
conclusion to further the movement on this question, then we all must.
MIM(Prisons) responds: We want to use this contributor’s
perspective as an opportunity to go deeper into looking at the current
balance of forces and our weakness relative to the imperialists. Our
difficulties in measuring guilt, and helping rehabilitate people who
want to recover from their patriarchal conditioning, are extremely
cumbersome.(1)
The imperialists are currently the principal aspect in the contradiction
between capitalism and communism. The imperialists have plenty of
resources to set social standards (i.e. laws), conduct and fabricate
“investigations,” hold trial to “determine guilt,” mete out punishment
to those convicted, and even often find those who attempt to evade the
process.
We hope by now our readers have accepted this contributor’s perspective
that we can’t let the state tell us who has committed sex-crimes by our
standards. The next step would be for us to figure out how to deal with
people who are accused of anti-people sex-crimes in the interim, while
we are working to gain state power. We can set our own social standards,
attempt to conduct investigations to a degree, establish tribunals to
determine guilt, and in our socialist morality, either mete punishment,
or, even more importantly assist rehabilitation when we have power and
resources to do so.
How much of this we can do in our present conditions is open for debate.
How much someone can actually be rehabilitated by our limited resources
while living under patriarchal capitalism is debatable. How relevant it
is to put resources into this type of activity depends on how important
it is to the people involved in the organization or movement.(1) How
much resources we put into any one of these “investigations” depends on
conducting a serious cost-benefit analysis.
For example, if someone contributes a lot to our work, and is accused of
a behavior that is very offensive and irreconcilable to others who work
with em, then that makes developing this process sooner than later a
higher priority. At this stage in our struggle, low-level offenses
should only be addressed by our movement to the degree that they build
an internal culture that combats chauvinism and prevents other
higher-level offenses from arising. Of course there is a ton of middle
ground between these two examples. But what we might be able to address
when we have state power (or even dual power) at this time may just need
to be dealt with using expulsions and distance.