MIM(Prisons) is a cell of revolutionaries serving the oppressed masses inside U.$. prisons, guided by the communist ideology of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism.
Under Lock & Key is a news service written by and for prisoners with a focus on what is going on behind bars throughout the United States. Under Lock & Key is available to U.S. prisoners for free through MIM(Prisons)'s Free Political Literature to Prisoners Program, by writing:
MIM(Prisons) PO Box 40799 San Francisco, CA 94140.
Today’s principal contradiction, here in the United $tates, is the
national contradiction – meaning that between oppressed nations and
oppressor nations. MIM(Prisons) provides some very provocative questions
as to secondary contractions, their influence on or by and in
conjunction to the current principal contradiction. Class, gender and
nation are all interrelated.(1) Many times, while organizing our efforts
and contemplating potential solutions to the principal contradiction, we
overlook the secondary and tertiary ones. Such narrow-mindedness
oftentimes leads to difficulties, hampering efforts toward resolution.
Other times it makes resolving the principal, effectively, impossible.
Analogous to penal institutions making it possible to punish a citizenry
but impossible to better it due to the irreconcilable contraction
between retributive punishment and rehabilitation. This is why reforms
consistently fail and prisons persist as a social cancer.
In regards to intersecting strands of oppression, prisons are
illustrative of more than pitfalls of narrow-mindedness (i.e. reform of
one aspect while leaving the rest intact). Prisons also provide numerous
examples of oppression combinations. Interactions of nation and gender
oppression are some of the most evident. Penal institutions are
inherently nationally oppressive, because they are social control
mechanisms allowing capitalism to address its excluded masses. Since the
United $tates is patriarchal in practice, prisons over-exaggerate this
masculine outlook, creating an ultra-aggressive, chauvinistic
subculture.
Intersection occurs oft times when a female staff member is present.
Other than the few brave people, most wimmin in prison are regarded as
“damsels in distress.” Generally speaking (at least in Colorado prisons)
a male will accompany a female; though, most males make no effort to do
this for other men. Capitalism’s undercurrent to such “chivalrous
actions” is rooted in wimmin being the weaker, more helpless and
vulnerable gender. In prison, machismo culture such is the chauvinist’s
belief. While many wimmin aid in their inequality by accepting,
encouraging, or simply not protesting such “chivalry,” brave,
independent wimmin experience a form of ostracism – they are derided, an
effort to enjoin their conformity. At the same time men are being
chivalrous, they sexually objectify females, further demeaning them,
reinforcing their second-class status under machismo specifically and,
capitalistic patriarchy generally.
Furthermore, there is also the ever-present nation bias
(e.g. hyper-sexualizing Latina females, white females should only
fraternize with whites). As prisons are “snapshots” of general society,
the contradictions – their intersecting and interacting – hold useful
material for revolutionary-minded persyns.
Intersection of different oppression strands (as shown above)
demonstrates that the resolution of one does not automatically mean
resolution of others. For instance, should machismo in prison dissolve,
the national oppression will still remain and vice versa. Prisons are an
encapsulation of society, meaning, their abolishment will not
necessarily translate to class, nation, gender contradiction resolutions
throughout society. Although, it is a very good, versatile place to
start. Penal institutions are more of an observation laboratory where
the effects and affects of contradiction co-mingling manifest. A place
to watch, document, analyze, formulate and possibly initiate theory and
practice. There is no better way to comprehend oppression than to
witness it in action. Nor is there any better way of combating the many
oppressions than from the front lines.
During the summer of 2018, the California Department of Corrections
& Rehabilitation (CDCR) attempted to initiate a radical new policy
to re-integrate General Population (GP) and Sensitive Needs Yards (SNY)
prisoners throughout the state. These two populations have been
separated for decades, but are now living together in what they are
calling Non-Designated Programming Facilities (NDPFs).
SNYs were first created in the late 1990s to provide safe housing for
prisoners convicted as sex offenders and other prisoners who had fallen
out of favor with prison gangs. This population exploded during the
early 2000s, when the CDCR began to ease housing restrictions and
criteria on SNYs.
In 2015, the office of the Governor of the state of California, Jerry
Brown, authored the document “The Governor’s Plan: The Future of
California Prisons” in which they published the rising costs and
administrative difficulties related to operating SNYs. It was within
this document that the questions of how to stem the growing need for
SNY, and possibly re-integrate GP and SNY, was first asked. In 2016, a
“SNY Summit” was held by CDCR officials and so it seems that NDPFs
developed from both the Governor’s Plan and the SNY Summit.
According to a CDCR memorandum titled “Amended Non-Designated
Programming Facilities Expansion for 2018,” additional NDPFs were to be
created out of existing GP and SNY. The stated purpose for this
expansion was to “…expand positive programming to all inmates who want
it.” The NDPF expansion was scheduled to take place as early as
September 2018 at two different institutions with more to follow in the
months ahead.
The official list of NDPFs is relatively short, and only reflects NDPFs
affecting level 1, 2 and 3 prisoners at this time. However, MIM(Prisons)
has been receiving a lot of contradictory information on this issue from
prisoners, much of which can be attributed to rumors from both pigs and
prisoners. Therefore it is difficult for us to assess the situation and
sum up matters. Naturally these developments have prisoners on both
sides of the fence worked up and full of anxiety.
The forceful integration of GP and SNY prisoners poses obvious concerns
for the safety and security of everyone involved. As dialectical
materialists, the left-wing of United Struggle from Within (USW)
understands that change cannot be forced from the outside to the inside
within this particular situation. Rather, unity can only develop from
the inside to the out, which is why we are against NDPFs. Re-integration
of SNY and GP is something that can only work once prisoners themselves
settle the disputes and resolve the contradictions that led to the need
for prisoners to de-link from the rest of the prisoner population and
seek the protection of the state to begin with.
Contradictions amongst the people must be peacefully resolved amongst
the people; there’s no other way around this. Until this happens, the
new prison movement will remain divided and unable to unite along true
anti-imperialist lines. It is for this very reason that we continue to
uphold and promote the correct aspects of the Agreement to End
Hostilities (AEH), which was developed by prisoners themselves. In the
AEH we see an end to the large scale prisoner violence that racked
California prisons for decades. We also see a possibility for the
re-emergence of revolutionary nationalism amongst the oppressed nation
lumpen of Aztlán, New Afrika and the First Nations.
The AEH is a foundation for the movement, but movements are not built
on foundations alone; for this we need brick, mortar and other
materials. Likewise the building blocks to the new prison movement will
need the contributions and participation of as many of California’s
prisoners as possible if the signatories to the AEH really wanna live up
to the revolutionary ideals which they profess and which so many claim
to be instilled in the AEH, lest the AEH be but a hollow shell.
No doubt that the AEH was hystoric, progressive and even revolutionary
six years ago, but the time has come to amend the document. All language
excluding SNY prisoners from the peace process and casting SNY as
enemies should be revisited if prisoners from the Short Corridor
Collective and Representative Body are truly interested in taking the
AEH to the next level.
For more information on re-integration and NDPFs contact Julie Garry
Captain Population Management Unit (916) 323-3659.
In an effort to make work reports more useful within the Council, the
below was passed unanimously, with the majority voting to keep the old
method of reporting work hours in addition to the below. We are printing
this in ULK to solicit work reports from USW leaders who are not
yet Council members. By submitting short monthly reports to the Council,
we will better be able to sum up the efforts of USW as a whole, while
vetting emerging cells for Council membership.
All USW cells with an active Council representative must submit monthly
work reports to remain in the Council. All USW cells are encouraged
to submit monthly work reports to the Council. Work reports should be
one to two paragraphs. They should address the following points as
needed to update the Council on your work in the last month:
What types of activities did your cell participate in that contributed
to USWs mission?
What campaigns did your cell participate in or promote in the last
month?
What Serve the People programs did your cell operate?
What were the responses from the masses and USW recruits to this work?
What questions came up? How did you answer them? Or do you need help
answering them?
What lessons did you learn in the last month?
What are the most pressing issues that are of concern to the masses in
your location? Are there any new or developing issues of concern to the
masses there?
What organizations/services have you recently found useful in your work
(include contact info)?
What successes have you achieved in the last month?
MIM(Prisons) will not share revealing information with the Council.
Please keep in mind that your outgoing mail is being read and report on
your work accordingly.
19 October 2018 – One week to the day of the Dia de la Raza celebrations
in Mexico, a caravan of three to four thousand migrant men, wimmin and
children (forming part of what’s been dubbed the Central American
Exodus) stormed the Mexico-Guatemala border at the southern Mexico State
of Chiapas demanding passage through Mexico on their way to the United
$tates. The migrants had spent the previous seven days walking from
Honduras, where the caravan originated, through Guatemala, where they
grew in numbers as Guatemalans joined the procession. Upon arriving at
the Mexico-Guatemala border, the migrants were stopped by an assortment
of Mexican Armed Forces equipped with riot gear, armored vehicles and
Amerikan-supplied Blackhawk helicopters. The neo-colonial government of
Mexico was acting on orders of U.$. Pre$ident Donald Trump who had
issued the threat of economic sanctions against Mexico and warned of
sending troops to the joint U.$.-Mexico border if Mexico didn’t stop the
caravan from reaching the United $tates. Similar orders were given to
Honduras and Guatemala, who initially ignored the command. As a result,
Pre$ident Trump has warned of cutting off economic aid to the
recalcitrant countries.(1)
Hungry, thirsty, tired, and now frustrated, the caravan broke through
the border fence and began flooding into Mexico where Mexican forces
fired teargas and resorted to the use of their batons on the migrants in
an attempt to push the caravan back. While some migrants began throwing
rocks at the police, the event reached a focal point when various young
men began climbing the gates of the bridge where they were held and
began to jump into the shallow Suchiate river below. After
unsuccessfully trying to dissuade people from jumping, a reporter
present at the event asked the question, “why jump?” One migrant
responded that he was doing it for his children, and while he didn’t
want to die, the risk was worth it if only he could provide for his
family. Others stated that they would rather die than return to the
crushing poverty and pervasive gang violence that awaits them back home.
“We only want to work,” other migrants stated. When it was all over one
child was reported to have died from teargas inhalation.(2)
Unfortunately, the assaults on the caravan did not end there.
Forty-eight hours after being stopped at Suchiate, about half of the
caravan was eventually admitted into Mexico while 2,000 opted to board
buses heading back to Honduras. On 22 October, the remaining members of
the caravan along with additional Central American refugees already in
Chiapas came together, after which their numbers swelled to 7,000 to
8,000 strong. This included the 2,000 children in their midst, along
with the migrants’ rights organization Pueblo Sin Fronteras. Members of
the caravan made a public plea to the United Nations to declare the
Central American Exodus a humanitarian crisis. They ask the U.N. to
intervene and send envoys and a military escort to monitor the caravan’s
journey through Mexico which they referred to as a “Corridor of Death.”
Representatives of the group accused the Mexican government of
perpetuating human rights abuses against them. They claimed that wimmin
had been raped and children stolen. They also spoke of children in the
caravan suddenly traveling alone because their parents had
disappeared.(3)
Meanwhile, further south in the hemisphere, actor Angelina Jolie, who is
a special ambassador for the U.N. Human Rights Commission for refugees,
traveled to Peru to call attention to the “humanitarian crisis” that is
currently playing out in neighboring Venezuela where inflation and food
shortages have led to mass migrations into Peru, Brazil, and
Colombia.(4) The migrations out of Venezuela have been extensively
covered by the Amerikan media, along with increasingly hostile rhetoric
from politicians to topple the government of Nicolas Maduro, which has
stood against imperialist control of the country. In comparison, the
plight of the Honduran caravan has barely been given any attention by
English language broadcasts except in its influence on the mid-term
elections here in the United $tates. Could this be because the
Venezuelan government has been a thorn in the side of U.$. imperialism
for the last 20 years while the combined governments of Mexico,
Guatemala, and Honduras have been faithful, if reluctant, servants of
that same imperialist power?
Since 2005 the official number of refugees in the world has climbed from
8.7 million to 214.4 million in 2014.(5) However, since the very
definition and criteria for refugee status is set by the imperialists
themselves, and hence politically motivated, we’re sure the real number
is way higher. For example, according to the U.N., Honduras isn’t even
considered a country of origin for refugees. Neither is Mexico, and yet
the majority of people migrating to the United $tates come from Mexico
and certainly the people of Honduras and Guatemala are fleeing
conditions comparably worse than the recent crisis in Venezuela.(6)
As of 2014, there were 11.2 million undocumented migrants in the U.$.;
67% came from Mexico and Central America. Of these 11.2 million
migrants, 72% live in four of the 10 states with the largest
undocumented populations. Of these 10 states, four are Aztlán i.e.,
California, Texas, Arizona, and Nevada.(7) Statistics also show that
migrants from the Central American countries of Guatemala, Honduras, and
El Salvador will integrate into Aztlán and their children will
assimilate into the Chican@ nation.(8)
As the principal contradiction in the world (imperialism vs. the
oppressed nations, principally U.$. imperialism) continues to develop,
and crisis heightens, we can expect to see more of these mass exoduses
in the not-too-distant future. Already, there are reports of another
caravan leaving Honduras of at least 1,000 strong. Surely to Amerikans
this must seem like a nightmare come true, literally thousands of Third
World refugees banging at the gates of their imperialist citadel. As
tragic as all of this seems it is but a glimpse of how the Third World
masses will finally rise up, and in their desperation, put an end to
imperialism once and for all. Oddly enough, revolutionary forces in
Mexico have yet to make an appearance and lend a helping hand to the
caravan while ordinary working people have already stepped up to lend
their assistance. How will Chican@s respond? That is left to be seen.
¡Raza Si! ¡Moro No!
MIM(Prisons) adds: The U.$. National Endowment for Democracy was
involved in both the 2009 coup to overthrow Zelaya in Honduras and 2002
coup to overthrow Chavez in Venezuela (later reversed). Hillary Clinton
infamously helped orchestrate the coup in Honduras as well. Since then
murderous generals trained by the U.$. School of the Amerikkkas have
terrorized the population, killing indigenous people, peasants and
environmental activists. The U.$. has established a large military
presence in Honduras since the coup, backing the robbing of land from
poor indigenous peasants and peasants of African descent.(9)
July 2018 – In ULK 61 the contentious topic of sex offenders was
discussed with great objectivity (even in certain subjective analyses)
and openness. The following will attempt to clarify, expound and expand
on some of these positions from my perspective.
I wrote, “Excluding all non-sexual depredations (public urination and
such), SOs constitute a dangerous element; more so than murderers
because SOs often have more victims, and many of those victims become
sexual predators, creating one long line of victimization.” As a
rejoinder to this comparison, MIM(Prisons) stated: “When someone is
murdered in lumpen-criminal violence, often there is retaliatory murder,
and subsequent prison time.”
While this may prove accurate among lumpen organizations (LOs) and
loosely associated persons, this is very far from the truth in society,
generally speaking. A majority of people, even a majority of lumpen
class, do not resort to such literal “eye-for-an-eye” justice. While
there are many (mostly males between 14-22 years old) who do seek
retaliatory murders, on the whole they produce a minority to be certain.
Just as murderers constitute a noticeable minority of the
2.3-million-plus currently incarcerated through the United States.
Contrarily, sexual predators affect the entire societal composition.
They perpetrate crimes against males and females, provoking
deep-burrowing psychological problems, and turn many victims into
victimizers (not all turn to outright sexual depredation). There is no
question murder is irrespective of class, gender, nation, and provokes
intense psychological trauma. The difference is not in the severity of
the anti-proletariat crime – taking a life or ruining a life – but in
the after-effects. To make the argument that murder creates murder in
the same, or even similar, manner as sexual victimization creates future
victimizers is beyond stretching. It is a patently false premise. Were
it even close to the reality of present society, there would be anywhere
from 10-50 times more murders and murderers in this country and its
prisons.
Not to be crass, but murder is more of a one-two punch knock out. Where
sexual depredation is twelve rounds of abuse by Robert Duran with your
hands behind your back. Most murderers are not serial killers, which
means their victims are family and known associates. Sexual predators
habitually prey on strangers who fit their desired victim profile, in
addition to relatives, friends, or associates. Murderers are normally
incarcerated once arrested. Sexual predators are often times released.
Also it is much more stigmatizing to be a victim of sexual violence –
shame, feelings of inferiority, desire to vengeance, self-deprecation –
than a murderer’s victim. Desire for justice, feelings of powerlessness,
and greater stigmatization arises from the criminal injustice system’s
treatment of sex crime victims. Many are left feeling as if they are the
perpetrator instead of the victim. This is why so many sex crimes go
unreported. Such is not the case with murders, unless persons decide to
seek vigilante justice. Considering the above, it is clear why a more
negative perspective is attached to SOs than to murderers. Logically, a
murder is traumatic but almost all overcome the event without becoming
killers. In the case of sexual victimization, a slim minority overcome
the stigma, and more than half become victimizers; whether emotionally,
physically, or continue to harm themselves, reliving the victimizations
perpetrated upon them.
“Lumpen criminal violence (created and encouraged by selective
intervention and neglect by the state) is one of the reasons why 1 in 3
New African men will go to prison at some point in their lifetime.” This
is undoubtedly true. Although to state such a statistic to disprove the
“logic” behind SOs being viewed as pariahs more than murderers is
slightly disingenuous. Capitalism is formed in a manner destined to
exclude great numbers of people. Mass incarceration is capitalism’s
answer to this exclusion. This is the manner in which capitalism
addresses the lumpen class it creates in order to maintain a steady
course on the capitalists’ globalization/exploitation road. Crime and
violence are incidental to the system that created a mass lumpen class.
So, while this does “represent a long line of victimization,” it is
inherent to capitalism, but sexual depredation is not.
As it relates to imminent or immediate efforts at rehabilitating sexual
predators, my meaning was that efforts can be made on an individual
basis by revolutionaries who are able to see past label prejudice.
Through their efforts, if conducted scientifically, a systematic method
can emerge for once the revolution is successful. Practice directs
theory and theory is validated in practice, of course. But my overall
meaning was and remains that sex crimes will be a problem for
capitalism, socialism, or communism. Sexual depredation is a social
contagion which transcends borders of politics, gender, economy, class,
nationhood and age. Revolutionaries will need to address the problem
sooner or later. For those who can be ahead of the curve, they should
be. Revolutions need innovative trail blazers as does every department
of humynity.
MIM(Prisons) responds: We appreciate this clarification on this
writer’s article in ULK 61, and find some compelling points here
for distinctions between the impact of murders and sexual assaults.
Though we still maintain that we will need to reform all who can be
reformed, regardless of crimes (conviction or not).
We need to address a few factual questions. The author claims that “SOs
habitually prey on strangers who fit their desired victim profile; in
addition to relatives, friends, or associates”. The reality is that
studies of sexual assault have found that around 70%-75% of survivors
know their rapist. It is a myth that sexual assault is mostly
perpetrated on strangers. This myth serves the racist idea that New
Afrikan men are raping white wimmin. And this falsehood has been used to
target and persecute New Afrikan men going back to the time of slavery,
specifically targeting ones seen as a threat by those in power. So
although this is a minor point in the author’s essay, we want to clarify
the facts.
We want to also address this writer’s comment that “sexual depredation
is a social contagion which transcends…gender.” Sexual assault is one of
the most blatant symptoms of a system of gender oppression. It is the
exercise of gender power. Sexual assault is a product of the patriarchal
system that sets up gender power differences in our society.
And so, we disagree with the author that crime and violence are inherent
to capitalism but sexual depredation is not. In the abstract this makes
sense: sexual depredation is a result of the patriarchy, a system of
gender oppression. Capitalism is a system of class oppression. The two
are distinct systems of oppression.
But society has evolved to intertwine class, gender and national
oppression so intimately that it is not practical to think we can
eliminate one without eliminating the others. Seeing gender oppression
as something outside of capitalism suggests we can eliminate gender
oppression entirely under capitalism. While we can certainly target
aspects of gender inequality and oppression for reform under capitalism,
this is similar to enacting reforms to the systems of national
oppression. We might improve conditions for individuals within the
capitalist system, but the underlying system of oppression will remain.
This doesn’t mean we ignore gender oppression right now. We must expose
it, and we should demand that it be stopped wherever possible. For
instance, fighting against rape in prison is a battle that could reduce
the suffering of many prisoners. But we can also see the outcome of
state responses to prison rape in the ineffectual and sometimes
counter-productive
PREA
regulations.
With that said, we do agree with this writer that we can work now
towards a systematic method to deal with sex offenders and sexual
predators. But we will have fewer resources and less power to help these
individuals reform now, before we have state power.
We won’t reach the stage of communism until we eliminate sex crimes. We
disagree with the author’s assessment that sex crimes will exist in all
systems. Communism is a society without oppression, where all people are
equal. We will have to eliminate class, nation and gender oppression
before we can achieve a communist society. And so this writer is correct
that revolutionaries must address the problem of sex crimes, both sooner
and later. As we discuss in the article “On Punishment
vs. Rehabilitation,” the stage of our struggle will help determine how
we deal with those who commit crimes against the people.
Enclosed is a clipping from the Austin American-Statesman (2018
May 3) I thought pertinent and might be of interest.
Not having first-hand knowledge of the University of Texas (UT) course
“MasculinUT,” I found it interesting that the reactionary philistines
again attacked academia for addressing patriarchal oppression. As far as
I’m concerned, conventional notions of masculinity are a societal
conditioning of the psyche, ergo, much like a Black persyn ensnared in a
eurocentric society, a mind fuck. So, yeah, maybe the yahoos are correct
that traditional concepts of what masculinity entails (e.g., violence
against wimmin) is a mental health issue, and as such, men need to be
subjected to re-conditioning via communist transition. Maybe, like the
bourgeoisie under socialism, men will be repressed. Maybe, hell!
MIM(Prisons) responds: The article enclosed, from the
Statesman, talks about the UT masculinity education program,
which is an awareness campaign formerly run by the University’s
Counseling and Mental Health Center. Conservatives attacked the program,
claiming it treats masculinity as a mental health problem.
In response, the MasculinUT program was moved to Dean of Students, and,
in a statement from its website, “the program’s original steering
committee was reconvened and expanded to provide recommendations and
feedback to ensure that the program’s mission is clearly defined and
fully aligned with its original intent of reducing sexual assault and
interpersonal violence.”
We’re with this comrade in thinking it might not be so bad to think
about masculinity as a mental health issue. As long as we’re clear that
this and many other mental health issues are a product of the capitalist
patriarchy. People aren’t born being sexist idiots. They are trained to
believe that wimmin don’t know what they want, to see wimmin as objects,
and to view maleness as a sign of superiority. People will need a lot of
retraining to overcome a lifetime of patriarchal education.
We don’t know what’s involved in the UT program so we can’t comment on
it. But we can say that after the imperialist patriarchy is overthrown
we’ll have a long period of cultural revolution where we need to
re-invent humyn culture and re-educate everyone to see all people as
equal. This is about the patriarchy, but also about the oppression of
all groups of people over other groups, across the strands of oppression
of nation, class and gender. This involve forcibly repressing
patriarchal culture and institutions. We hope that forcible repression
of half the population (men) will not be necessary, but there will need
to be active promotion of feminists into positions of power, and a
careful re-consideration of the appropriate interactions between all
humyns.
by a New York prisoner September 2018 permalink
Click here to download a PDF of the New York grievance petition
Mail the petition to your loved ones and comrades inside who are
experiencing issues with their grievance procedure. Send them extra
copies to share! For more info on this campaign,
click
here.
Prisoners should send a copy of the signed petition to each of the
addresses listed on the petition, and below. Supporters should send
letters on behalf of prisoners.
Acting Commissioner, Anthony J. Annucci<br>
The Harriman State Campus <br>
1220 Washington Ave<br>
Albany, NY 12226-2050<br><br>
New York State Commission of Corrections<br>
80 Wolf Rd, 4th Floor<br>
Albany, NY 12205<br><br>
United States Department of Justice - Civil Rights Division<br>
Special Litigation Section<br>
950 Pennsylvania Avenue, NW, PHB<br>
Washington, D.C. 20530<br><br>
Office of Inspector General<br>
HOTLINE<br>
P.O. Box 9778<br>
Arlington, Virginia 22219<br><br></blockquote>
And send MIM(Prisons) copies of any responses you receive!
MIM(Prisons), USW PO Box 40799 San Francisco, CA 94140
Being a recent student participant of an on-site college program, I
heard about Grit via my psychology professor, who really sold the
book as “the best work of its kind” in his lifetime. He was an
abnormally straight shooter, and over the spring semester he gained a
high level of respect from me and several Gods attending his classes.
That being said when I read the title I became ecstatically interested
in reading it. To make things 1000% better ULK sent a request
that asked me to direct a selected few ideas from the book’s chapters,
repurpose the information in a way that makes it useful for prisoners
and prisoner movements.
Taking Grit to the cipher those last days of Ramadan provided the
forum that I used to gain opinions from the Gods here. First it was
introduced and the purpose was established as to what I was planning to
do within our cipher with regards to the book. It was agreed that we
would give light to its reading, our interpretation of the book
knowledge as it regards the prisoner movements (meaning unified actions
of prisoners between different lumpen orgs, religious orgs, racial
groups and at times including sexually non-conformist groups).
Once that was the base of our collective understanding, we read the very
first part out loud in its entirety, without stop. This was done in
order to gain a clear mental picture of what the author, Dr. Angela
Duckworth, wanted us to know: How she defined “grit.” Her purpose for
writing this book. How this information could be used (individually, as
a group, systematically, as a tool of help or to exploit). Lastly we
brainstormed on whether the subject was new, unique or reminiscent of
other books any of us read.
This was all done on day one. It included reading the preface along with
chapters 1-5, checking the dictionary and thesaurus for words we either
didn’t understand or had different definitions for. This was to ensure
we all stayed on the same page until a full grasp of the work was gained
(or as we say, the who, what, when, where, how and why). Once that’s
gained then each God can go back to the cell and reflect on what is
being said versus what the author’s voice is trying to persuade the
reader of. Because of lockdowns we didn’t come back together again for
some time. In that time I made 6 copies of the book and hand delivered
the copies to each member of the cipher. I read ahead because of these
time restraints for my response for ULK to be ready for this 63rd
issue.
The subjects that I found applicable to the prisoners and prisoners’
movement’s need to develop grittier comrades on the front lines are from
the Part II chapters: Interest, Practice, and Purpose.
Using “the grit test” [a questionnaire measuring someone’s passion and
perseverence - ULK Editor], we can discriminate in positive ways to
create better recruiting methods when it comes to bringing individuals
into the inner communal cipher or cadre. This will change the qualities
that community leadership uses to identify like-minded soldiers. Though
most will have to use interview methods instead of written
questionnaires, and questions will have to be asked again and again in
different ways before confirmation can be made.
The study habits and increasing interest in each member’s confidence
in sharing these interpretations of studied materials must become the
job of all in leadership, with little to no critique at first and high
praises to study habits and being able to communicate ideas in their own
voice.
Standing up to injustice must be celebrated. Especially in times they
are made to suffer by the authorities for doing the righteous and
self-respecting thing – which is the institution’s systematic way of
pushing said prisoner to believe they are powerless. This is the
creation of the passive prisoner who just puts up with all levels of
abuse from authority. To fight this mental bullying the leadership must
celebrate the comrade’s actions openly with high energy. Leadership must
show and prove they are willing to suffer some loss if and when making a
stand causes such losses – a united front plus true knowledge of where
the cadre stands on issues by actions, not just theory or talk-based
instruction.
Grit is made of both passion and perseverance, creating and maintaining,
stick-wit-it-ness, evolving interest and deep commitment. As opposed to
natural skill, know-how or raw talent which may or may not assist in
being a success. Comrades, being grittier means overcoming obstacles,
learning from defeats and setbacks, and never allowing them to define
who you are nor the movement. Remembering effort is worth twice as much
as talent.
Example: Recently myself and eleven other political prisoners attempted
to establish a self-introspection help program. At the beginning the
administration acted positively about allowing the program to have a
pilot try, yet once we got a free body volunteer to facilitate our group
the administration changed its decision. This forced me to educate
myself on group creation, rules of submittal and how to get sponsored
state-wide, which I’m currently in the process of doing. The lesson is:
don’t stop at the first (or second or third…) signs of resistance.
Interest
This chapter was organizational gold when clearly understood. Leaders
please pay close attention to each comrade’s passions within your cadre
or cipher, with even more emphasis on possible new members in relation
to the struggles the cadre is immersed in. Understand what each person
is passionate about, issues they will be more able to persevere through
any pushback or reprisal.
Besides that, knowing each person’s passions and convictions helps to
know what position everyone is good at and areas they need assistance
developing, which can be introduced in creative, fun ways, then
incentivized through recognition and praise for gradual growth in areas
of difficulty.
Example: Say a comrade is uncomfortable communicating their ideas
publicly. This problem is amplified when the COs are involved to the
point this comrade doesn’t assert his legal rights nor is he respected
as a man in the righteous way. Leadership must cultivate these skills in
members who have difficulties related to these identifiable areas. The
“you spoke really well” type or “the way you used those descriptors in
the last essay was golden, so please continue to develop those skills”
type of recognition and praise. I call it fanning the flames of passion,
then directing the flames of progress and confidence among comrades.
Practice
Practice is something all gritty people have in common. You’ve heard the
saying “practice builds perfection.” Well after reading this chapter I
must take it even further. Without practice as a united front executing
plans in concert, you don’t know how to work as one body. This will
create the “big me and little yous,” or followers resentment. Learn to
practice making decisions together by hearing everyone involved out,
allow each person the opportunity to lead in every activity. Practice
writing write-ups, working out as a group, being inclusive as much as
possible. This will make the cadre able to operate even when separated.
The author’s research shows that this kind of practice must be done in
association with a positive state of mind related to the balance of
quantity and quality of time spent in skill development. We must also
seek out new creative ways of practice in direct relation to the
top-level goal. Formal repetition and fun activities loosely associated
to goals are also useful tools.
Examples: Getting our comrades to rap in the cipher, incorporating
subjects, words, ideas related to the group’s mission may help them
develop a public speaking style, confidence in speaking these opinions,
and help them be more connected to positive public communication as a
way to handle issues. Another more formal method is reading and
discussing essays with the group, both on the yard and in closed room
settings.
Purpose
ULK readers this may be the most important thing to learn about
in this whole book with regards to prisoner movements and issues that
create the necessity for a more inclusive united front. This author
makes the definition of “purpose” more than the passion of the moment.
Purpose is also the intention to contribute to the well-being of others.
The balance of both is what is needed in these occasions and is found in
all the grittiest revolutionaries.
The comrades that feel they were born to live and die for the people are
of such destiny-driven molds where this quality is found, manifested and
acted out. These people are rare and even when they reach the stage of
public awareness they are usually murdered by one of the system’s arms
of imperial aggression. Purposeful Revolutionaries must be supported by
the people and understood by their peers as the magnetic all-inspiring
super-motivation-drivers that they are. When unity is necessary these
forces of nature will bring organization.
Example: Huey P. Newton, co-founder of the BPP was placed inside prison
for a shootout with the police, and he was railroaded the first trial.
The whole country polarized over this miscarriage of injustice creating
one of the most supported appeals California had ever seen. “Free Huey”
was the call, Black Power was the purpose, and the results are
revolutionary history and the thing of legends.
MIM(Prisons) responds: Thanks to this comrade for reviewing
Grit from the perspective of a revolutionary anti-imperialist
prisoner organizer. We also studied the book and found lessons we can
draw from it for our own work. We can’t summarize them all here, but
will respond to some points in the review above and emphasize what we
see as the most important points from the book. (Grit is
available from MIM(Prisons) for $10 or equivalent work-trade.)
We are hesitant to take any of the studies in Grit as
representing humyn nature itself. As with all bourgeois psychology, the
studies were conducted under conditions of imperialism. So we don’t know
if they’re absolute representations of how humyns’ minds work. But since
we’re also organizing under imperialist conditions, the studies do apply
to our present conditions.
Throughout Grit, the author uses scientific studies and also case
studies of “paragons of grit” – people who have reached pinnacles of
performance in their jobs. This is one place where Duckworth’s bourgeois
perspective shines brightly. The book opens with a study of the most
elite forces in the U.$. military, and jumps from athletes to musicians
to chemists. The only mention of a socialist hero is when Duckworth puts
Joseph Stalin’s name right next to Adolf Hitler’s. Ey admits Stalin had
grit, but also that ey was “misguided” and “prove[s] that the idea of
purpose can be perverted.” In our communist version of Grit we
would include case studies of not only Stalin, but also Mao Zedong,
George Jackson, Stanley Tookie Williams, Assata Shakur, and the tens of
thousands of people who participated in the over-5,000-mile Long March
in China in the 1930s.
Regarding the grit test, we caution against using it as a measure of who
should be allowed into our movement. It can be a tool for assessing
where people need development, and how much we could count on them to
follow through in this moment. But Duckworth emphasizes strongly
that grit can grow. In fact, Chapter 5 is titled “Grit Grows,” Part II
is titled “Growing Grit from the Inside Out” and Part III is titled
“Growing Grit from the Outside In.” There are many interventions we can
use to increase the grit of our cadre. And building our own and our
comrades’ committment and perserverence should be our focus. The grit
test may be useful for measuring if we’re improving our abilities to
build grit in others, but should not be limiting who can participate.
USW7 outlines above the importance of group practice, and we also want
to add the importance of individual development for improvement.
Elsewhere in this issue of ULK we lay out the guidelines for
deliberate practice. The group mentality is important, but we can’t rely
on it for our development. Kevin Durant summarizes the ratio by saying
ey spends 70% of eir time practicing alone. Both are necessary.
Besides our ability to grow grit, one of the most important points
Duckworth makes in Grit is that effort counts twice.
Duckworth warns us against being distracted by talent, or assuming that
one’s skills are dictated by talent. Talent plays a part, but without
effort, one’s talent won’t develop into skill. And without
effort, one’s skill won’t develop into achievement. People who
have less talent certainly surpass those with more talent in their
achievements. They do this with effort. The ability to put in
effort even in spite of repression, setbacks, failures… that is
grit.
Within prisons we find ourselves confronted with multiple obstacles to
organizing efforts. Obstacles spanning from legal and material to
psychological and physical. Before we can even engage in political
activities we must confront these various road blocks, what I call
“walls” (barriers against activism and organizing).
Psychological walls manifest in two primary ways: 1) lack of receptivity
in conversations; and 2) perspectives of hopelessness. For prisoner
activists these are Goliathan problems. In the first instance you find
yourself talking to a brick wall. In the second your points may be
acknowledged as valid but still dismissed as useless opposition. A most
frustrating situation, because one – your words can not make an
impression; and two – your arguments prove valid but produce no effect.
In both cases real victories (read demonstrations) proving the validity
of arguments and feasibility of proposed actions is the surest method of
overcoming such obstacles. In the former, a prisoner sees the validity.
In the latter, a prisoner gains motivation. Even a small victory – a
granted grievance – is capable of advancing organizational efforts to be
heard and considered.
Material walls are next formidable in line. Including almost every
privilege extended to a prisoner and their financial security. Following
capitalist society, prisons use these privileges and financial control
to maintain leverage over prisoners’ behavior/thought. Furthermore, as
most prisoners are stuck in parasitic thinking in pursuit of a
capitalistic existence, such advantage creates a strong disinclination
towards jeopardizing them, even if it is in their best interests. As
with capitalism in general, there is no convenient nor easy answer that
can be applied with certainty. All prisoners’ privileges and financial
interests intensify identification with classism (antagonistic) and
capitalist priorities. Considering this, no general rules of approach
can be established as each’s interests influence differs. Fortunately,
every answer that can be applied can be approached on first, an
individual, then, group or demographic level, expanding in concentric
circles.
Legal and physical walls are less conspicuous; most prisoners view
political activity as futile. Still once activism gains momentum and
organizing becomes realistic, these last walls spring up. Within prisons
these signify various administrative “conveniences” (e.g., Ad-Seg, SHU,
MCU, punitive segregation, out-of-state transfer, and varied
movement/privilege/property/financial/communication restrictions or
other arbitrary sanctions). Outside of prisons, many courts conspire to
create so many legal formalities, exorbitant fees, byzantine procedures
and lopsided laws that most trained lawyers are bemused and at a loss.
For the prisoner who does survive such a crucible, pride is only the
beginning of the prize.
All in all these many walls constitute the primary, secondary and such
obstacles to organization behind bars. These difficulties should not be
taken as reasons to dissuade political action but rather, as motivation
to pursue these endeavors. Why else would there be so many protective
measures if activism and organizing were indeed useless? Once the
prisoner understands their interests in the matter these insurmountable
walls become merely constant annoyances necessary for progress and
material dialectical processes. Nothing worthy of having ever comes
easy. With greater obstacles comes a greater and more valuable prize.
Rise to such challenges, allowing your hunger for real equality to
increase along and as much as difficulties faced; if not more so.
Just arrived at the Ad-Seg unit @ Kern Valley State Prison (KVSP) on a
charge for conspiracy to assault C.O.s on a particular facility, drag
for “Administration wants you out of here.” I get to the cell and the
first voice I hear coming through the adjacent HVAC duct is the voice of
a Southern California Chican@, who is my neighbor asking, “Ey homes, are
you active?” inquiring as to whether I am housed with California
Department of Corrections and Rehabilitation (CDCR) as a General
Population prisoner or a Sensitive Needs Yard (SNY) prisoner. Because I
do not engage in the police agenda of separating and segregating
California prisons based on racial disparities, I replied, “I’m a
konvict!”
To say the least this lost child of Aztlán continued to press down on
myself the hellish investigative tactics so often applied under the
prison politic culture. As a New Afrikan leader under the strict
guidance of the L1 cell of USW, I know the difference between Politics
and Politrix. And the California prison system is saturated in Politrix,
most practiced by the prisoners themselves. I relieved the lost child of
their fears and went to the bunk area and began opening my Prisoners
Legal Clinic Accounting System. I was called by another set of prisoners
who were housed on an SNY facility and were members of a lumpen group.
These individuals sent me their lock-up orders and asked to review mine
in order that we could engage in a confidential dialogue in relation to
current feuds between Chican@ lumpen factions and a new born faction of
Blacks. This brings me to the titling of this report, “Checking
Paperwork v Checking Ourselves.”
Here it is. I, a leader of the New Afrikan revolutionary nationalist
identity is sitting in Ad-Seg unit after being kidnapped from a previous
prison to fill “Black bed space” at Kern Valley State Prison; space
created by racial altercations orchestrated by the C.O.s. I’ve been shot
in the arm and gassed by the pigs with no reports or medical attention
administered. I’ve had a Sergeant threaten to fuck (rape) me because of
my involvement in a case witnessing pigs apply unnecessary force, while
the anti-intelligence agents (ISU/IGI) do everything they can to keep my
voice as an activist for the “Prison Rape Elimination Act” silent. I’ve
been used to carry out acts of violence on other prisoners, in a
mafia-like way by CDCR and KVSP officers. Officers who then doctor their
reports to justify removing the targeted prisoner. All this done against
my will and yet when I pull up, the lost children of Aztlán ask me am I
active.
We need to re-evaluate what it means to be active. In these last hours
it means less what the person’s p.work says and more to what one’s
actions say. As a member of the USW-L1 cell I stand on the principle of
unity as described by the United Front for Peace in Prisons. For New
Afrika, UMOJA brings about UHURU as a five letter word equal to the five
point star, and/or square that is Planet Earth. Whether we are visitors
or make prison our deathbed, prisoners must begin addressing our
problems amongst one another using investigation methods based in true
information. Not hearsay or gossip shared with us by the pigs. We must
not determine who is active or who isn’t solely on a housing status,
because when the tables are turned you might be the one de-activated.
In struggle and solidarity.
MIM(Prisons) adds: It is easy for the state to create paperwork,
and phoney documents have been a known tactic in CDCR for a long time.
This is similar to
our
discussion around sex offenders, who are regularly ostracized and
even attacked based on cases that the imperialist state has put on them.
We know there are many who snitch in prison, just as there are many who
committed sexual crimes against the people to get there. But we will
echo the comrade above, that we must base our judgments on peoples’
actions.