MIM(Prisons) is a cell of revolutionaries serving the oppressed masses inside U.$. prisons, guided by the communist ideology of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism.
Under Lock & Key is a news service written by and for prisoners with a focus on what is going on behind bars throughout the United States. Under Lock & Key is available to U.S. prisoners for free through MIM(Prisons)'s Free Political Literature to Prisoners Program, by writing:
MIM(Prisons) PO Box 40799 San Francisco, CA 94140.
5 June 2024 – We are no longer active on Reddit.com. Last month
Reddit began preventing anonymous logins by blocking Tor, requiring
Google and other things that have prevented us from logging into our
account (which was /u/mimprisons). Anything posted to that account after
May 2024 is not from us, and even old posts may be altered. If you try
to contact us via Reddit we will not receive your message. For over 11
years Reddit served as a popular site for anonymous discussion of
communism. These restrictions will hamper our online recruitment, and
will force us to put energies elsewhere. We appreciate those that share
our website with others on reddit or elsewhere.
This also means that /r/mao_internationalist is now abandoned, and
/r/maoism101 may or may not continue on without us. By Reddit’s new
policies, inactive subreddits will be regularly purged from the
site.
After our
first suspension from Reddit six years ago, we discussed the pluses
and minuses of reddit as a centralized platform. As many have noted,
they are becoming a publicly listed corporation, which means they want
to clean up house and make thinks more monetizeable for shareholders.
Far from the vision of some of Reddit’s founders.
Since that statement 6 years ago, we have established numerous other
means of communication that are encrypted and decentralized. While none
are public, we may make other accounts public in the future, especially
if there are issues
with email again.
Kingdom of the Planet of the Apes 10 May 2024 PG-13
Spoilers
A main theme throughout both series of Planet of the Apes
movies is the question of whether Apes differ from so-called “humyn
nature.” In the first series (produced 1968-1972) especially, humyn
nature is blamed for the hubris of nuclear weapons that brings humyns’
downfall. In this latest movie of the new series (produced 2011-2024),
apes have been setback in this search for truth, but perhaps this can be
explained by the very existence of class struggle that they share with
humyns.
Kingdom of the Planet of the Apes (2024), the fourth film in
the modern Planet of the Apes film series, is the first to take
us into the future a few generations after the events that led apes to
become competitors with humyns for dominating planet Earth. In it we see
glimpses of the emergence of class society, in the form of slavery. But
it is a slave society that is shaped by a relationship to the formerly
dominant humyns that still reflects a colonial relationship in many
ways.
The Eagle Clan, who are the center of the film, live in a primitive
clan society, with elders who set the laws that are taught to the young
and passed down via tradition. Later in the film, we encounter a larger
ape society that is a kingdom led by King Proximus, that has absorbed
many clans and uses them as slaves. It is not clear that the slaves
produce material wealth for the slavemaster class of the kingdom, as the
film only shows them working to break into an old humyn military bunker
to extract the technology. But someone must be producing the food, tools
and weapons for the soldiers who run the kingdom.
Proximus claims to be the new Caesar. Caesar was the founder and
leader of the apes in the first three movies, and was also a king
figure. But Caesar was a benevolent leader who fought and worked
alongside the others. A virus gave Caesar super-ape intelligence to lead
the apes to liberation from humyn society.
Within 10 years of the events of Rise
of the Planet of the Apes (2011), Caesar had already begun to learn
that apes have the same tendencies as humyns as he had to ally with a
humyn to combat a rogue ape attempting to usurp eir control of ape city
to wage war on humyns.
We previously discussed the themes of integrationism in the newer
series, in contrast to the older series that takes a more scientific
approach to uniting humyns and apes through struggle and re-education.
While the inability of apes to build a a lasting harmonious society may
appear pessimistic, we’d say it is realistic; accurately reflecting the
myth of humyn or ape nature despite the producers’ intentions.
The original series (produced 1968-1972) ends with a humyn ally
remarking that the apes have finally become humyn after the first ape
murder of another ape. This story line is framed more as a biblical
original sin story than class struggle. But in both series the first
ape-on-ape murder occurs because of the struggle between the apes who
want to wage war to annihilate all humyns and those who do not. The
question the producers seem to be asking is do apes have a war-like
nature like humyns supposedly do. Despite the revolutionary themes of
the first series, it largely reinforces this concept of humyn
nature.
When we criticize the concept of humyn/ape nature, we are not
criticizing the “natural” we are criticizing the metaphysical view of an
unchanging phenomenon. In other words, “natural” itself is a myth in
many ways, in other ways “natural” could be dialectical materialism and
the scientific method that explains the world around us. As dialectical
materialists we understand all things to be in a constant state of
change motivated by the contradictions within that thing; the class
struggle in society being the prime example of this in Marxist
thought.
Observed by humyns in our reality, chimpanzees and gorillas have one
leader who is a male silverback. While bonobos have an alpha male role
as well, the alpha female plays the more determinate role.
Interestingly, the king Proximus is a male bonobo. Meanwhile orangutans
in real life tend to be more solitary, which is reflected in this film
with Racka being a loner and no other orangutans being part of
Proximus’s kingdom. As we know, and as Engels lays out in The
Origins of the Family, Private Property and the State, humyns have
gone through various social structures; from more collective matriarchal
societies to the more modern hierarchical patriarchal societies, and
these structures have changed to adapt to changing modes of
production.
In our world, we suspect humyn societies have changed more over the
last ten thousand years than other great apes, because their
relationship to the rest of the natural world has changed more through
gaining knowledge and technology. Therefore in the new series of movies
we would expect apes to go through a very similar evolution of
hierarchies and class society as humyns did as they change their
relationship to the production of their material needs. This is
reflected in the kingdom that operates as a primitive system of slavery,
the earliest class system of humyns as well.
However, the evolution of ape society is colored by the existence of
a previous, advanced humyn society. Learning from humyn books and
accessing humyn armories full of technology are ways that Proximus
attempts to make a leap in ape knowledge and technology. As ey does
this, Proximus maintains a line that humyns cannot be trusted, and apes
must work together, even though this is applied cynically as ey is shown
to happily sacrifice the lives of many apes in eir own attempts at power
through humyn technology.
The main character in Kingdom is Noa, a member of the Eagle
Clan, whose father was a master of training eagles. Noa learns about
Caesar for the first time from the last true follower of Caesar after
the rest of the Eagle Clan has been captured by Proximus. Before this,
Noa had no knowledge of the history of humyns or apes; perhaps because
of eir age. But Noa also states that eir elders did not want to know
such things and remained ignorant on purpose through isolation.
The major transformation that Noa makes is to reject the idea that
law is handed down from some higher power. Ey does this overtly by
rejecting the laws of the king, and more subtly by pursuing knowledge
eir elders forbid. This is the transformation of thought that humyn
society went through during its transition to capitalism, when
liberalism, plurality, democracy and the pursuit of scientific knowledge
rose to replace ways of thought that were more stagnant, based more in
idealism and following a god-king. So we see Noa make a shift towards
materialism, that we expect will transform the Eagle Clan as it rebuilds
its village. But Noa’s understanding of ape nature at the end of the
movie still seems behind that of Caesar’s, generations ago. We see this
type of pre-scientific thinking among our comrades today who believe the
white man is literally the devil and the Black man/humyn is god. Like
Noa, they’re on the right side, but are guided by idealist thinking that
can easily lead them astray. Of course, we all struggle with idealism
and subjectivism, which might be considered part of the “nature” of
beings that can reason with limited knowledge and perspective. Part of
the power of the vanguard party, as layed out by Lenin, is its ability
to produce a more scientific approach to social change by pooling
experience and knowledge production at group level for a whole
class.
In our review of Dawn
of the Planet of the Apes (2014) we compare the Caesar
loyalists to the Gang of Four in China, who were those in the leadership
who both understood and represented the Maoist line after Mao’s death.
The Orangutan, Raka, would be like a young persyn in China today who has
deeply studied Mao and Chinese history but has no real experience in
building socialism and no one to help em put it into practice. Proximus
might be compared to the revisionists in power in China, exploiting the
people while trying to strengthen China against the U.$. imperialists
all in the name of “Marxism” (or “Caesar”).
The problem that Noa faces in determining what the right path is, and
what Caesar was really about, becomes a question of trust and judging
what is morally right. In contrast, we can judge the correct Maoist path
by studying history, and putting science into practice. While Noa’s path
in this movie echoes Caesar’s in the previous one, this is only because
they both tried to help their own people. While serving the people is
part of the communist road, we must be more than do-gooders to end
oppression, we must have a scientific understanding of society, what
forces are at play within it, how it is changing and how we can shape
that change.
In practice it seems that Noa may have acted against the interests of
Apes overall by eir alliance with the humyn, Mae. Another sequel will
probably reveal this. This is where the colonial parallels come in. Mae
is part of a humyn society that is no longer dominant, but still
possesses historical knowledge and technology that gives them a great
advantage. The Eagle Clan parallels many primitive groups in humyn
history that have encountered colonialists and allied with them against
other known enemies, perhaps seeing the colonialists as friends and
allies, before being subjugated by them in turn. In this way Proximus
proves more correct in eir distrust of the humyns and calls for ape
unity, despite coming from an exploiter class perspective.
This is why in a United Front the proletariat needs its own party to
represent our class, and to act independently of other classes. It must
be a party based on science, that can see all sides of the situation. At
this slave stage of ape society there is no such leadership available
and therefore no basis for forming principled alliances with either the
humyns or the exploiter class of apes.
The movie ends with Noa asking Mae if humyns and apes can ever live
together in trust. The ending hints that such a future is far off to say
the least. A theme that was more prominent in the original series is the
political question of if the oppressed rise up against white Amerika,
will they wipe out white Amerika or live harmoniously side-by-side. In
the original series, we see many years after the ape revolution that
such a reality is still in the works. There is still distrust, as some
war-mongering humyns still exist in the city, and many apes remember the
past oppression by humyns. While we draw some analogies above about the
latest movie, there are no real revolutionary story lines like the
original series, which showed the joint dictatorship of other great apes
over humyns and discussed the need for a long period of transforming
society and its citizens to build the trust necessary for peaceful
coexistence. Of course, the dictatorship of the proletariat is not just
about trust building, it is about continuing the class struggle to
eliminate all class differences – the internal contradictions of society
that lead to oppressive relationships between groups. That is the only
basis upon which a true communist society can be built. Something none
of the Planet of the Apes movies have brought us to yet.
Hip hop artist Macklemore released a song and music video, called
“Hind’s Hall”, unapologetically supporting the students fighting to stop
U.$. funding of genocide in Palestine. This is a unique statement that
we have not seen from Amerikan celebrities after over six months of
bombing and invasion.
Besides saying “fuck the police” and “free Palestine”, to the
question of voting for Biden, Macklemore says “fuck no” in this song.
This last point puts em ahead of the so-called Communist Party - U$A and
Revolutionary Communist Party - U$A, which have both implicitly and
explicitly campaigned for Democratic presidential candidates, including
Joe Biden. We’d say Macklemore is doing a better job of representing the
interests of the Third World proletariat on this point, than the
so-called communist parties. In the past Macklemore has sported an
Amerikan flag, and campaigned for the Democrats as well. But ey’s an
individual, and a rapper. We gotta expect a little more from a communist
party that is supposed to be a source of truth and to lead us to ending
oppression.
Of course, the MIM slogan has been “Don’t Vote, Organize!” So not
voting for Biden in itself isn’t the call for change; rather the
recognition of the need to make and change history ourselves instead of
casting a vote for this or that celebrity politician.
While it took 6 months and U.$. student protests for this song to
come out, it appears that Macklemore has been involved in the anti-war
movement since October when ey signed a statement supporting ceasefire.
Ey is also donating all proceeds to the United Nations Relief and Works
Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East. So good for em, and it
is a good thing to use eir voice as a popular artist to reach more
people. We hope this cracks open the door for other more popular artists
who have been quiet on the genocide.
In the new song, Macklemore also asks “who gets the right to defend?
who gets the right to resistance?” flashing pictures from Ukraine and
answering that it has to do with skin pigment. This is a righteous
defense of the resistance in Palestine that is condemned as terrorism by
the same people chearleading the resistance in Ukraine as a natural
humyn right. However, skin color is a superficial explanation. Though
racism, orientalism, and anti-Arab sentiment is a strong driving force
behind the average oppressor-nation Amerikkkan’s stance on Palestine,
ultimately the U.$.’s position derives not from disdain for certain skin
colors but rather from imperialism. Ukraine, and Zelensky, stand as a
junior partner to Amerikkka against their current greatest imperialist
enemy, Russia, while the potential of a freed Palestine poses a threat
to Amerikkkan and I$raeli imperialism in the Middle East.
Students at Columbia University occupied Hamilton Hall after the
university rejected most of their demands, including to divest from
weapons manufacturers. During the occupation, they renamed it “Hind’s
Hall” after Hind Rajab, a six-year-old Palestinian girl who was killed
by Israeli forces in Gaza City while trying to get assistance from the
Red Crescent Society after her family had been killed by an Israeli
attack.
In 2018 the California Office of the Inspector General (OIG)
investigated the grievance process at Salinas Valley State Prison. This
resulted in a new process in 2020, where any grievances alleging staff
misconduct in the California Department of Corrections and
Rehabilitation (CDCR) would go to an Allegation Inquiry Management
Section (AIMS) in Sacramento, rather than being handled by staff at the
prison.(1) As we report on in almost every issue of Under Lock &
Key, grievances in U.$. prisons are often ignored, denied, or
covered up by staff.
One problem with this small reform is the staff at the prison was
still deciding what grievances would be forwarded to AIMS. Following OIG
recommendations in 2021, the CDCR changed its system for handling
grievances in 2022 so that staff misconduct could be reported directly
to AIMS. In March 2023, AIMS was replaced with the Allegation
Investigation Unit (AIU), within the Office of Internal Affairs.
In 2010, United Struggle from Within (USW) in California initiated
the “We
Demand Our Grievances Are Addressed!” campaign, which has since
spread across the country. We just released a petition for Indiana this
year, see the report on initial
campaign successes in this issue. And we just updated our petition
for Texas. Since 2010, hundreds of prisoners in California have sent
petitions to the California OIG and others outlining the failures of the
existing grievance system and demanding proper handling of grievances.
This campaign contributed, likely greatly, to the recent changes in
California.
It also happens that February 2023 was the last report we have of
staff in CDCR
retaliating against prisoners for filing grievances (in this case
for freezing temperatures).(2) So we are interested to hear from our
readers how the grievance process has been working over the last year.
However, the OIG’s recent report has already exposed staff misconduct
since the new program was implemented.
The OIG found that in 2023 the department sent 595 cases back to
prison staff to handle that had originally been sent to the AIU to
investigate as staff misconduct. This was reportedly done to handle a
backlog of grievances. The OIG also stressed the waste of resources in
duplicating work, given that the department had been given $34 million
to restructure the grievance process. In 127 of these cases the statute
of limitations had expired so that staff could no longer be disciplined
for any misconduct. Eight of these could have resulted in dismissal and
12 could have resulted in suspensions or salary reductions. Many other
grievances were close to expiring.
Unsurprisingly, when the OIG looked into grievances that had been
sent back to the prisons, many issues were not addressed, many were
reviewed by untrained staff, investigations were not conducted in a
timely manner (39% taking more than a year), and grievances were
improperly rejected. All of these are common complaints on the grievance
petitions prisoners have filed over the years.
The OIG states in their concluding response to the CDCR claims around
these 595 grievances:
“The purpose of this report was not to provide an assessment of the
department’s overall process for reviewing allegations of staff
misconduct that incarcerated people file; that is an assessment we
provide in our annual staff misconduct monitoring reports. This report
highlighted the department’s poor decision-making when determining how
to address a backlog of grievances that the department believed it was
not adequately staffed to handle.”
In ULK 84 we reported on a sharp
drop in donations from prisoners in 2023, and a gradual decline in
subscribers in recent years. We asked our readers to answer some survey
questions to help explore the reasons for these declines and to begin a
more active campaign to expand ULK in 2024. Below is some
discussion with comrades who have responded to the survey so far about
drugs, gangs, COVID-19, generational differences and more. If you want
to participate in this conversation, please respond to the questions at
the end.
Problems We’ve Always Had
A North Carolina prisoner on censorship: i pass my
copies around when i’m able, what i always hear is “Bro i wrote to them
but never received the paper.” Then there is a couple guys who were on
the mailing list who say they’re not receiving the paper no more.
MIM(Prisons) responds: The obvious answer to this is
the newsletter is being censored. Any prisoner of the United $tates who
writes us for ULK will be sent at least 2 issues, and if you
write every 6 months we will keep sending it. Censorship has always been
a primary barrier to reaching people inside, but we have no reason to
believe that has increased in the last couple years. Relaunching regular
censorship reports could help us assess that more clearly in the future.
A Pennsylvania prisoner on the younger generation: I
think it is these younger generation people who are coming into the
prison system or people who have been pretty much raised by the judicial
system, and the guards become mommy and daddy to them… They do not want
to or are possibly afraid to change the only life they have ever known.
I know some of these younger guys here who have gotten too comfortable
and think: “Oh, I am doing so good, I have a certain level of say-so
here, the guards are my buddies, they get me, et cetera.” When on the
outside they did not have that.
Also, on my block, many people are illiterate and cannot read. I know
this because I am the Peer Literacy Tutor.
MIM(Prisons) responds: Most of this doesn’t sound new.
Older prisoners have been talking about the lacking of the younger
forever. Illiteracy is also not new in prisons. There is some indication
that the COVID pandemic has impacted literacy in children, but that
would not be affecting our readership (yet).
A California prisoner: I think a lot of prisoners do
not want to hear negativity or incendiary language, we get enough of
that in here and I notice a lot of unity around positivity in here. I
suggest less dividing language and more unifying language. In
particular, the “who are our friends and who are our enemies” line could
certainly drop the “who are our enemies” part. Prisoners don’t want
someone telling them who to be enemies with, prisoners want to be told
who to be friends with.
I have trouble passing on ULK, natural leaders won’t even
accept it (I try to revolutionize the strong). As soon as I say “it’s a
communist paper”, the typical response is “I’m not a commie.” Any
suggestions??
MIM(Prisons) responds: Not sure if you’re leading with
the fact that it’s a communist newspaper. But when doing outreach, the
fact that we’re a communist organization will not come up until we’ve
gotten into an in-depth conversation with someone. We want to reach
people with agitational campaign slogans, hopefully ones that will
resonate with them. What in this issue of ULK do you think the
persyn might be interested in? Lead with that.
As far as who are our friends and who are our enemies goes – this is
actually a key point we must understand before we begin building a
united front (see MIM Theory 14: United Front where a prisoner
asks this same question back in 2001). We must unite all who can be
united around anti-imperialist campaigns. Our goal is not to have the
most popular newsletter in U.$. prisons; that might be the goal of a
profit-driven newsletter. Our goal is to support anti-imperialist
organizing within prisons. As we’ve been stressing in recent months,
prisons are war, and they are part of a larger war on the oppressed. If
we do not recognize who is behind that war, and who supports that war
and who opposes it, we cannot stop that war. If you see a group of
people that wants to carpet bomb another group of people as a friend,
then you are probably not part of the anti-imperialist camp yourself.
Prisoners who are mostly focused on self-improvement, parole, or just
getting home to their families may be willing to be friends with anyone
who might help them do so. But we must also recognize the duality
of the imprisoned oppressed people as explained by comrade Joku Jeupe
Mkali.
Problems That May Be Getting
worse
A Washington prisoner on the drug trade: Drugs and
gangs are the biggest threat to radical inclination in the system. Drugs
keep the addicted dazed and unable to focus on insurgency. Whereas the
self-proclaimed activist gang member who actually has the mental fitness
to actually avoid such nonsense has become so entrenched in a culture
aimed at feeding on the profit he gains in the process has forgotten his
true goal and would rather stand in the way of change to maintain
profit.
MIM(Prisons) responds: This is perhaps the biggest
shift we’ve seen in reports on conditions on the inside in recent years.
Of course, these are not new issues. But there are new drugs that seem
to be more easily brought in by guards and have more detrimental effects
on peoples’ minds. Meanwhile, the economics of these drugs may have
shifted alliances between the state-employed gangs and the lumpen gangs
that work together to profit off these drugs.
When we launched the United
Front for Peace in Prisons over a decade ago, it was in response to
comrades reporting that the principal contradiction was lack of unity
due to lumpen organizations fighting each other. In recent years, most
of what we hear about is lumpen organizations working for the pigs to
suppress activism and traffic restricted items. While Texas is the
biggest prison state and much of those reports come from Texas, this
seems to be a common complaint in much of the country as regular readers
will know.
Related to drugs is the new policy spreading like wildfire, that
hiring private companies to digitize prisoners’ mail will reduce drugs
coming into prisons and jails. Above we mentioned no known increase in
censorship, but what has increased is these digital mail processing
centers; and with them more mail returned and delayed. In Texas, we’ve
been dealing with mail delayed by as much as 3 months for years now. As
more and more prisons and jails go digital, communications become more
and more limited. Privatized communications make it harder to hold
government accountable to mail policies or First Amendment claims. There
is no doubt this is a contributor to a decrease in subscribers.
A Pennsylvania Prisoner reports a change in the prison system
due to COVID-19: The four-zoned-movement system has been
implemented here at SCI-Greene because of COVID. Before COVID,
everything was totally opened up. Now everyone is divided from one
another and it makes it that much harder for someone like me who is
constantly surrounded by an entire block full of people with extreme
mental health or age-related issues.
MIM(Prisons) responds: This is an interesting
explanation that we had not yet thought of. While we don’t have a lot of
reports of this type of dividing of the population in prisons into pods
since COVID, we know that many prisons have continued to be on lockdown
since then. An updated survey of prisoners on how many people are in
long-term isolation may be warranted. But even with the limited
information we have, we think this is likely impacting our slow decline
in subscribers.
This does not explain why donations went up from 2020 to 2022, but
then dropped sharply in 2023. However, we think this could have been a
boom from stimulus check money, similar to what the overall economy saw.
In prisons this was more pronounced, where many people received a couple
thousand dollars, who are used to earning a couple hundred dollars a
year. While we would have expected a more gradual drop off in donations,
this is likely related. In 2023, prisoners were paying for a greater
percentage of ULK costs than ever before. We had also greatly
reduced our costs in various ways in recent years though, so this is not
just a sign of more donations from prisoners but also a reflection of
decreased costs. We’d like to hear from others: how did stimulus checks
affect the prisoner population?
Like many things, our subscribership and donations were likely
impacted greatly by the COVID-19 pandemic and the state’s response to
it. Another interesting connection that warrants more investigation is
how the stimulus money may have contributed to the boon in drug
trafficking by state and non-state gangs in prisons. And what does it
mean that the stimulus money has dried up? So far there is no indication
of a decline in the drug market.
A California prisoner on “rehabilitation” and parole:
The new rehabilitation programs in CDCR are designed to assign personal
blame (accept responsibility). A lot of prisoners are on that trip.
“It’s not the state’s fault, it’s my fault cause I’m fucked up.” That’s
the message CDCR wants prisoners to recognize and once again parole is
the incentive, “take the classes, get brainwashed, and we might release
you.” I call it flogging oneself. But a lot of prisoners are in these
“rehabilitation” classes. It’s the future. MIM needs to start thinking
how to properly combat that.
MIM(Prisons) responds: The Step Down program in
California in response to the mass
movement to shut down the SHU was the beginning of this concerted
effort to pacify and bribe prisoners to go along with the state’s
plan.(1) As we discussed at the time, this is part of a
counterinsurgency program to isolate revolutionary leaders from the
rebellious masses in prison.
Our Revolutionary 12 Step Program is one answer to the
state’s “rehabilitation.” Our program also includes accepting
responsibility, but doing so in the context of an understanding of the
system that creates these problems and behaviors in the first place. Yes
we can change individuals, but the system must change to stop the cycle.
The Revolutionary 12 Steps is one of our most widely
distributed publications these days, but we need more feedback from
comrades putting it into practice to expand that program. And while it
is written primarily for substance abuse, it can be applied by anyone
who wants to reform themselves from bourgeois ways to revolutionary
proletarian ways.
In other states, like Georgia and Alabama,
parole is almost unheard of. The counterinsurgency programs there
are less advanced, creating more revolutionary situations than exist in
California prisons today. In the years leading up to the massive hunger
strikes in CDCR, MIM mail was completely (illegally) banned from
California prisons. Today, it is rare for California prisoners to have
trouble receiving our mail, yet subscribership is down.
Solutions
A California prisoner: Personally I would like to see
play-by-play instructions for unity. I saw something like that in the
last Abolitionist paper from Critical Resistance. A lot of us
want unity but don’t know how to form groups or get it done. I know
MIM’s line on psychology, however it has its uses. The government
consults psychologists when they want to know how to control people or
encourage unity among their employees. I suggest MIM consult a psych for
a plan on how to unify people, then print the play-by-play instructions
in ULK. It’s a positive message prisoners want to hear.
MIM(Prisons) responds: As mentioned above, building the
United Front for Peace in Prisons was a top topic in ULK for a
long time, so you might want to reference back issues of ULK on
that topic and MIM Theory 14. Psychology is a pseudo-science
because it attempts to predict individuals and diagnose them with
made-up disorders that have no scientific criteria. Social engineering,
however, is a scientific approach based in practice. By interacting with
people you can share experiences and draw conclusions that increase your
chances of success in inter-persynal interactions. This is applying
concepts to culture at the group level, not to biology of the
individual.
Again, the key point here is practice. To be honest, the engagement
with the United Front for Peace in Prisons has decreased over the years,
so we have had less reports. Coming back to the question of how to
approach people in a way that they don’t get turned off by “commie”
stuff, a solution to this should come from USW leaders attempting
different approaches, sharing that info with each other, and summing up
what agitational tactics seemed to work best. Comrades on the outside
could participate as well, but tactics in prison may differ from tactics
that work on college campuses vs. anti-war rallies vs. transit
centers.
A North Carolina prisoner: i look forward to receiving
the paper and i love to contribute to the paper. ULK is not
just a newspaper in the traditional sense of the word it’s more than
that. It’s something to be studied and grasped, and saved for future
educational purposes. In my opinion its the only publication that hasn’t
been compromised.
i think ya’ll should publish more content on New Afrikan
Revolutionary Nationalism (NARN) then ya’ll do. To be honest, the
ULK is probably the only publication that provides content that
elucidates NARN. Nonetheless, ya’ll keep doing what ya’ll doing.
MIM(Prisons) responds: We’ll never turn away a
well-done NARN article, so keep them coming. This is a newsletter by and
for prisoners of the United $nakes.
A Pennsylvania prisoner: As with everything,
“education” is a key factor. A lot of people really have a lack of
comprehension of the Maoist, Socialism, Communism agenda or actual
belief system is about. I have a general idea, but not the whole
picture. Many people are ignorant to what it is all about. … I was a bit
of a skeptic when I first began writing MIM(Prisons), but I no longer am
3 years later.
As I have continued to write and read all your ULKs I have
begun to realize what you stand for, and that is the common people who
are struggling to survive in a world full of powerful people, who do not
play by the rules. … Those powerful and wealthy who have forgotten what
it is like to be human. … When I get released from prison later this
year and get back on my feet I do plan to donate to MIM(Prisons) because
I strongly support what you stand for.
…It was word of mouth that got me interested in ULK, and
that is what we should use to spread the word. Sooner or later someone,
somewhere is gonna get interested.
MIM(Prisons) responds: We appreciate this comrade’s
continued engagement and struggling with the ideas in ULK. Eir
description of what we do is accurate. Though, the same could be said
for many prisoner newsletters. We recommend comrades check out “What is
MIM(Prisons)?” on page 2 to get an idea of what differentiates us from
the others; and to ask questions and study more than ULK to
better understand those differences.
A Washington prisoner: I believe there has not been
enough exposure of ULK in the prison system. I only happened on
it by chance. I sought out communist education on my own after not being
able to shake an urge that there was something incredibly wrong with the
political and economic structures in my surroundings. I believe we
should launch a campaign of exposure and agitation. Create and pass out
pamphlets and newsletters geared to helping people see the relevance of
communism and their current situation. For a start, I would like to
receive copies of the Revolutionary 12 Step Program pamphlets
to strategically place in my facility so prisoners can have access to
them.
MIM(Prisons) concludes: Expanding ULK just for
the sake of it would be what we call a sectarian error. Sectarianism is
putting one’s organization (one’s own “sect”) above the movement to end
oppression. The reason we are promoting the campaign to expand
ULK is that we see it as a surrogate for measuring the interest
in and influence of anti-imperialist organizing in U.$. prisons. As
comrades above have touched on, there is always a limitation in access
and numbers do matter. Most prisoners have never heard of ULK.
The more we can change that, the more popular we can expect
anti-imperialism to be within U.$. prisons and the more organized we’d
expect people to get there.
We are working on expanding our work with and organizing of prisoner
art. As they say a picture is worth a thousand words. More art that
captures the ideas of our movement can help us reach more people more
quickly. So send in your art that reflects the concepts discussed in
ULK. We also offer outside support for making fliers and small
pamphlets. What types of fliers and small pamphlets, besides the
Revolutionary 12 Steps, would be helpful for reaching more
prisoners with our ideas and perhaps getting them to subscribe to
ULK?
Another way to reach people in prison is through radio and podcasts.
We are looking for information on what types of platforms and podcasts
prisoners have access to that we might tap into.
We only received 4 responses to our survey in ULK 84 in time
to print in this issue. This is another data point that indicates the
low level of engagement with ULK compared to the past. Another
possible explanation for lack of responses is that this survey was more
difficult to answer than previous surveys we’ve done because it is
asking for explanations more than hard facts. Either way, in our attempt
to always improve our understanding of the conditions we are working in,
we are printing the survey questions one more time (also see questions
above). Even if your answer to all the questions below are “no”, we’d
appreciate your response in your next letter to us.
Have you noticed changes in the prison system that have made it
harder for people to subscribe to ULK or less interested in
subscribing?
Have you noticed changes in the prisoner population that have
made people less interested in subscribing?
Have you noticed/heard of people losing interest in ULK because
of the content, or because of the practices of MIM(Prisons)?
What methods have you seen be successful in getting people
interested in or to subscribe to ULK?
Do you have ideas for how we can increase interest in ULK in
prisons?
In the past, the Maoist Internationalist Movement (MIM), and its mass
org at the time, the Revolutionary Anti-Imperialist League, campaigned
to get the University of California to Divest from I$rael.(1) This was a
correct strategy, because U.$. imperialism is the number one backer of
the I$raeli war machine. Behind the flag of I$rael is the stars and
stripes.
More recently, United Struggle from Within (USW) carried out a
petition campaign, which read in part:
“Therefore with this declaration we angrily express our indignation
with the state of Israel for committing genocide, and for the Israeli
people for allowing it to happen in the 21st century after vowing”never
again.”
The petition recognized that Palestinian political prisoners had
supported the California hunger strikes in recent years and it was time
to return solidarity. By 2016, comrades in 16 prisons had gathered 189
signatures. Recognizing the limitations of conditions, the petition also
read:
“Within these walls we are as yet powerless to tap into the potential
of the imprisoned lumpen; the oppressed internal nation lumpen in
particular as agents of social change, but we are not yet powerless to
sign a piece of paper to denounce the state of Israel and their support
in the U.$.”
Still today, comrades are asking what can we do to support
Palestine?
Settlers Supporting Settlers
The war against Palestine is what Amerika has always done from its
very founding – land grab, occupation, genocide. Therefore, there is
much support in the United $tates for I$rael’s current bombing campaign
and invasion of Gaza. And the tactics being used against Palestine could
easily be tried against indigenous people here on Turtle Island
next.
MIM and others have documented the history of Amerikan labor union
support for I$rael.(2) Yet, in recent months not only has the U.$. seen
millions demonstrate to oppose U.$. militarism in Palestine, but labor
unions representing millions of Amerikan so-called workers have signed a
call for a cease fire.(3) While Amerikans have always been settlers, the
United $tates is more and more a population of people who do not come
from settler backgrounds. And more and more, people from non-settler
backgrounds are joining the ranks of labor unions, big tech companies
and other professional roles. This is one factor behind the wavering
support for I$rael. Of course, it is the Palestinian resistance that is
forcing Amerikans to take a position.
The cease fire call is a shift for many Amerikan labor unions away
from outright Zionism to the left wing of white nationalism. Despite the
cease fire statement, these unions will still be campaigning for
Genocide Joe this year. And while some members of the International
Longshoreman Workers Union (ILWU) participated in a one day protest/shut
down of the port of Oakland in support of Gaza, there has been no
sustained strike by Amerikan unions that are actively involved in
shipping arms to I$rael.
The United Auto Workers (UAW), having been in the news for strikes
last year, is one of the unions to issue a statement for a ceasefire.
Meanwhile, the UAW has been hosting talks with employees of arms
manufacturer Raytheon for a “just transition” to guarantee labor
aristocracy union jobs in thefuture technologies of war and genocide.
Brandon Mancilla, director or UAW’s Region 9A, announced in a tweet on
Dec 1st the formation of a Divestment and Just Transition working group
to explore how “we can have just transition for US workers from war to
peace.” Behind the UAW’s ceasefire resolution, was UAW Labor for
Palestine. Self-described on their website as a “nationwide group of
rank-and-file UAW members” that seeks to “organize UAW worksites that
send arms and other material to Israel.” They have faced great
resistance from the UAW in general to taking any action to stop
producing arms for I$rael. Like the Amerikan leaders who mumble words
about humanitarian efforts in Palestine while continuing to authorize
more and more shipments of war machines to I$rael, Amerikan labor makes
statements about ceasefire, while continuing to produce these machines.
Actions speak louder than words.
As we reported in ULK 84, arms shipments must get to the
Red Sea before they face real resistance; resistance by Yemen’s
armed forces. And following I$rael’s attacks on Iranian diplomatic soil
in Syria in April, Iran has seized an I$raeli-linked cargo ship passing
through the Strait of Hormuz. While the Strait, which accesses the
Persian Gulf, does not lead to I$rael, it does lead to I$rael’s new Arab
allies in the UAE.
Doing Better
The #1 thing people in the United $tates can be doing in the
short-term to stop genocide in Palestine is to stop shipments of arms
and aid to I$rael. Just as the imperialists have used blockades to
weaken the Palestinian resistance. The question is how to make such a
blockade meaningful and sustainable.
In the longer-term it is our responsibility in the United $tates to
weaken imperialism from the inside. As we see the principal
contradiction in the United $tates to be between nations, it is by
supporting national liberation struggles at home that we believe we can
best make this happen faster. And without building the revolutionary
forces here in the United $tates, we do not foresee a successful,
sustained blockade of aid to I$rael.
Another realm of struggle we should be tuned into is the struggle
against political repression of those supporting Palestine, and
especially the state imposing limitations on the exchange of information
between Palestine and the world. The labeling of organizations linked to
the Palestinian struggle as “terrorist organizations” is parallel to
organizations in the oppressed nations in the United $tates being
labelled “security threat groups (STGs).” As our readers know well the
right to free speech and association is not guaranteed but must be
struggled for within this bourgeois democracy.
Finally, correct political line must lead for us to succeed on all
fronts. Democratic Party-supporting labor unions calling for “cease
fire” is not the correct political line. Stopping all aid to I$rael is
correct. Supporting national liberation struggles of the oppressed is
correct. Recognizing the populations of the exploiter countries to be
part of the bourgeoisie is correct. And recognizing the need for
independent communist organizations in all parts of the world is correct
for avoiding past mistakes that restricted the revolutionary potential
of oppressed nations (see next section).
There is a reinforcing effect between revolutionary nationalist and
communist movements around the world. Communism was more popular in
Palestine when communists were demonstrating models of success in
practice in other parts of the world. The revolutionary nationalism of
Palestine today will impact the consciousness of revolutionary
nationalism around the world, including within U.$. borders. Amplifying
this effect in the short-term will help us build the type of movement
that can provide real solidarity with Palestine in the short-term. The
history and class interests of Amerikan labor prove that their current
level of sympathies with Palestine are tenuous and lacking in
militancy.
It is the struggle of the occupied indigenous populations, the
largest of which is Aztlán, that are most parallel to Palestine in our
context. Meanwhile New Afrika has probably been the most ardent
supporter of Palestine in the United $tates historically. Though it’s
also worth noting the prominence of Jewish voices in opposing the war
from the United $tates, due to the connection the existence of I$rael
has forced onto all Jewish people. As a resistance movement based in a
compact area of land that is mostly urban, there is much to be learned
tactically from the successes of the ongoing struggle in Palestine today
that relates to the conditions of oppressed nations in the heart of
empire.
The ICM, Pan-Islamism and
Palestine
Support from communists around the world, especially those waging
People’s War in the Third World, has been unwavering on the side of
Palestine liberation since October 7th. But the history of the
International Communist Movement (ICM) has led to setbacks in
Palestinian and pan-Arab liberation.
MIM(Prisons) has been working on reiterating MIM line on the
Communist International in recent years as part of an effort to compile
MIM’s
work opposing crypto-Trotskyism. One of the key issues we have with
Trotskyism is its view that the most advanced capitalist countries
will/should lead the communist movement. MIM line says that the most
exploited and oppressed nations will lead the way, and recognizes the
need for independent initiative and direction from within each nation.
We also see the need for a Joint Dictatorship of the Proletariat of the
Oppressed Nations (JDPON) as a tool for overthrowing imperialism. Under
the JDPON, it will be the communist minorities in former imperialist
countries that are benefiting from the assistance of more advanced,
socialist, former colonies.
From 1919-1943, the third Communist International (Comintern) was the
first experiment in an international communist movement that involved
parties in state power. At that time the idea that the advanced
capitalist countries would lead the socialist revolution was more
popular. Bolshevik leader Mirza Sultan-Galiev was one of the biggest
critics of this position. In 1923, at the 9th Conference of the Tatar
Obkom, Sutlan-Galiev stated:
“If a revolution succeeds in England, the proletariat will continue
oppressing the colonies and pursuing the policy of the existing
bourgeois government; for it is interested in the exploitation of these
colonies. In order to prevent the oppression of the toiler of the East
we must unite the Muslim masses in a communist movement that will be our
own and autonomous.”(4)
MIM positively reviewed eir ideas:
“Sultan-Galiev was for the formation of a”Colonial International” to
replace the Comintern as organization of central importance. He also
called for the “dictatorship of the colonial nations over the
metropolis.”“(5)
Sultan-Galiev applied this concept to Russians, who were far more
oppressed and exploited than Amerikans today, as well as to the United
$tates, which ey saw as built on the genocide and labor of First Nations
and New Afrikans.
For a brief period, about 5 years after the Russian revolution, the
Bolsheviks had created a Muslim communist party separate from the
Russian one. But this project was quickly abandoned. Decades later, USSR
leader Joseph Stalin, who also played a leading role in the Comintern,
abolished the Comintern in 1943. Stalin and Mao both said the communist
international was no longer appropriate for the complicated conditions
of international struggle. One of the problems with the communist
international was the mixing of people from exploiter countries and
exploited countries in one organization. Another was the mixing of
people engaged in armed struggle against imperialism with those who are
not. Sultan-Galiev’s proposal for a “Colonial International” addresses
the first problem. However, eir ideas were not ultimately adopted by the
Comintern, and ey was purged from the Bolshevik Party in 1923.
Current
Events in Russia and Palestinian Communism
Last week a horrible mass shooting took place in Moscow, killing 143
people. The gunmen are reportedly from Tajikistan and working with the
Islamic State-Khorasan, based in Central Asia. An Amerikan analyst
explained that this group “sees Russia as being complicit in activities
that regularly oppress Muslims” and that a number of other Central Asian
militants have allied with the Islamic State group due to their own
grievances against Moscow.(6) Tajikistan is a former Soviet republic.
One must wonder if a Muslim Communist International, separate from the
Russian one, could have avoided the emergence of militant groups in
Central Asia today that have violent beefs with Moscow. This goes both
ways, with chauvinist attitudes by many Russians today towards the other
former Soviet republics. As the capitalist/imperialist USSR collapsed in
1991, both sides of this national divide perceived the other to be
exploiting them.(7)
On the Western side of the USSR Sultan-Galiev helped establish a
separate Crimean Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic in 1921. This
became a bastion for German Nazis in the 1940s, leading to the native
Tatar population being relocated by Stalin, and the area populated by
Russians and Ukrainians – leading to disputes over the territory today.
This suggests that Stalin was correct to oppose Sultan-Galiev for narrow
nationalism in the late 1920s and ultimately have em killed in 1940 as
the Nazis were preparing to invade.
The problems with trying to unify too quickly with a communist
international seems to have played a role in Palestine and the Arab
world as well. The Soviet Union supported the partitioning of Palestine
by the Zionists, leading to the Nakba (“The Catastrophe” or ethnic
cleansing of Palestine) in 1948. Despite the Comintern having been
dissolved in 1943, apparently it was still policy for the Communist
Parties in Palestine, Syria, and Lebanon to support the USSR line on the
partitioning of Palestine against their own beliefs. This led to massive
loss of support for the communists in Syria and Lebanon for years to
come (there was not much support in Palestine until years later).(8)
While U.$. and I$raeli imperialism played a role in suppressing
communist organizing, these internal contradictions and short-comings
are what allowed such efforts to succeed. We can see how the strategies
we choose today can have grave and lasting impacts decades later. That
is why we, as communists, must do a better job of implementing an
effective internationalism by recognizing the national
self-determination of each oppressed nation. Independence in action must
coincide with a struggle for unity in ideology.
“The early stages of socialism according to both Lenin and Stalin
would see a vast multiplication of nations seizing their destinies. It
was only under advanced communism that we could contemplate the
disappearance of nations.”(7)
The above is in line with USW’s slogan of “unity from the inside
out.” It is only with true self-determination of the oppressed nations
that they can fully unite with other nations. Of course, the more unity
we have the stronger we are. So we must struggle for unity, without
forcing it before conditions are ripe.
We call on comrades to continue to make connections between Palestine
and national struggles in occupied Turtle Island, and to build national
liberation struggles here in the heart of empire.
Back in September we printed an article from a comrade in Virginia
about PREA audits and why they do not work. This article did not
appear in ULK, but touched on the abuses faced by wimmin in
Federal Correctional Institution - Dublin (FCI-Dublin). On the
ineffectiveness of PREA audits in Virginia, the comrade wrote about how
the audits were pre-announced, communications with the auditors were
done in front of staff, and once the auditors left, staff retaliated
against prisoners who talked. Comrades in Pennsylvania
and Texas
have also reported on retaliation for filing PREA complaints, as is
common for filing any kind of grievance against staff. The failure of
PREA is just a subset of the failure of any accountability of prison
staff across the country for abusing prisoners.
After the incidents at FCI-Dublin that were largely reported in 2022,
nothing changed. This led to over 63 lawsuits being filed. On Monday, 11
March 2024, the FBI raided FCI-Dublin and arrested the acting Warden,
Associate Warden, a Captain and an Executive Assistant who all lost
their jobs. They were all members of the infamous “rape club” at
FCI-Dublin, which continued on after previous firings in recent
years.
“Federal law classifies any sexual contact between staff and
incarcerated people as a felony punishable with up to 15 years in
prison. But, as one incarcerated survivor testified during the trial of
former Warden Ray Garcia, the Prison Rape Elimination Act “really
doesn’t exist at Dublin.”(1)
PREA doesn’t really exist in most of this country, where grievances
are routinely thrown in the trash and retaliation for filing PREA
complaints is the norm. And this is not the first time the FBI has been
involved in investigating and arresting FCI-Dublin staff for rape.
Trans Pride Initiative (TPI) is working to hold PREA auditors
accountable in Texas. However, they report:
“Under PREA § 115.401(o), auditors “shall attempt to communicate with
community-based or victim advocates who may have insight into relevant
conditions in the facility.” TPI has seldom been contacted concerning
information we have about Texas prisons, and the National PREA Resource
Center, which oversees the audit process, has failed to hold auditors
accountable to this requirement. TPI has developed a simple auditor tool
for auditors to see current information about any unit that we have in
our system, so they do not have to even contact us. They are required to
list if they tried to contact others about prison information and who
they contacted. We are seeing many auditors list no contacts, or
contacts that are perfunctory and likely provided no
information.”(3)
TPI has an impressive database of incidents of violence and
retaliation against prisoners on their website. They want the details of
dates, who did what, what happened, what was said, where it happened,
witnesses, etc., which you can send to:
TPI
PO Box 3982
Dallas, TX
75208
Before publishing this article, an investigation into suits filed
under the Adult Survivors Act in New York City’s state supreme courts
revealed that 719 of 1,256 cases came from Riker’s Island Jail.(2) That
is, more than half of the suits filed in the whole city of New York for
sexual assaults that had occurred in the past were filed against city
correctional officers. Almost all of them came from the wimmin’s jail.
Like the rest of the country, wimmin make up a small minority of
prisoners at Rikers. While male-bodied
prisoners face very high rates of sexual assault compared to the general
U.$. population, it is clear that being in a wimmin’s prison puts
you in one of the highest-risk groups to be sexually assaulted.(4) And
within men’s prisons, being trans, gay, queer, intersex, smaller or
weaker will all put you at greater risk as the reports below
suggest.
Gender oppression is built in to the U.$. prison system. Despite
laws, lawsuits and FBI raids, it is not going away on its own. It is
only by organizing the oppressed to stand together that we can put an
end to these abuses.
Below are a couple recent reports from Polunsky Unit in Texas on how
PREA incidents are handled. TPI’s data shows they have received many
more PREA reports from other Texas prisons, including: Allred, Hughes,
Connally, Telford and Stiles Units.(5)
A Trans Prisoner at Polunsky Unit in Texas Reported in March
2024: I put a Step 1 Grievance against one officer and wrote to
the Ombudsman in Huntsville and he denied any allegations and got other
officers to start to do stuff to me. I wrote to the Warden Mr. Anderson
and I was placed around other gang members who keep threatening to harm
me and call me punk, snitch, hoe and all that and use officers against
me. Last month another officer name Suniga started threatening to harm
me and sexually harassed me.
…Later Suniga got mad at me and threatened to take my booty shorts
and other clothes. He told all those other inmates that I’m snitching on
them with the I.G. who coming to investigate me for the incident with
the other officer I mention before. And they took my jail housing manual
charter #30 for the LGBTQ inmates with all the PREA standards, rules and
regulations for jailers and inmates.
He took it and threw it away, so I put a step 1 grievances and sent a
letter to the PREA offices in Huntsville, who are doing an
investigation, and the PREA officer respond back and said they did an
investigation but can’t go forward because Mr. Suniga resigned from his
job. Now no body want to do anything or restore my papers which I don’t
get for free. …even if Suniga quit his job, the TDCJ should be
responsible for what he did while he were employed at the TDCJ.
A female officer who worked with Suniga before and knows that I put a
Step 1 against Suniga, works here named Ms. Smith. When she came to my
cell door she tell me that I got her friend in trouble and she refused
to feed me my lunch. She said that she was going to write me up for not
being dressed appropriately because I was wearing my shorts and she said
that she don’t care if I were punk, transgender, or whatever.
They stop our physical mail claiming that too much drugs are coming
into the TDCJ units. She worry about me wearing booty shorts, but drugs
still get here every day. And not only K2, they get methamphetamine,
ice, weed, all kind. I know because I seen who bring into the C pod. And
I got notes in my cell right now, on 8 March 2024, on people who ask me
if I want to buy K2 and ice, but I can’t say shit because if I do or
report it to the I.G. or STG they going to let these gang members know
that I told on them and more retaliations going to occur.
I am the only transgender or gay at C. Pod. All other inmates here
are gang members or part of some groups. I filed I-60 requests and send
letters to classification in Huntsville asking to move me to a pod or
unit where most LGBTQ prisoners are and never get a reply or get moved.
It is so cruel what they doing to us. About a month ago, someone killed
himself on C. pod. And two others try to cut they self too… Now, one
more time, I ask please help me with legal assistance to put a stop to
all this abuse. Thank you and hope I can hear from y’all or someone who
want to help me.
Another Polunsky Unit prisoner wrote us in March 2024:
I was called out by Captain Cerda concerning a PREA Safe Prison for
sexual harassment and sexual assault…. he began asking me what’s up with
this letter to PREA Ombudsman. I began to explain and he said, “aw hell,
we got to do this whole PREA thing.” He then hands me a statement sheet.
I ask for the dates for the PREA letter and times, but he said “don’t
worry about it, just leave ’em out.” I told him I needed them cause this
inmate was suppose to be out of his assigned work area and in safe
keeping, and I’ve written PREA Ombudsman about this repeatedly. He
stated, “If we weren’t so short handed all this shit wouldn’t be
happening and if TDCJ had housing, safe keeping wouldn’t be on my
fucking unit cause I damn sure don’t want yall here!”
I felt badgered and like I was wrong for filing the complaint with
only half the info. And with Captain Cerda’s demeanor and Lt. Rodriguez
throwing questions in… and her standing over me I felt pressured and I
wrote as little as possible. I just wanted to be away from them.
…TDCJ Executive Directive PD22 #4 Tampering with a witness violation
level 1: states “An employee shall not attempt to hinder or influence in
any manner the testimony or information or any witness or potential
witness in an investigation or administrative proceeding.”
In our last issue we covered the mythology
of sex crimes being painted onto Hamas in the imperialist media, and
the flaunting of beautiful, young, “white” wimmin to rouse the hunger
for war in the men of the United $tates, Britain and I$rael itself. In
effect they have turned the genocide in Palestine into a rape revenge
fantasy.
Since that article, multiple news agencies have done further
investigation into the claims made by the New York Times and
echoed across the imperialist media. Yes! and The
Intercept both conducted investigations, and to those paying
attention, it seems very clear that there is actually no real
evidence of rape committed on October 7th, especially by Hamas
itself. Both investigations report on the experience of one of the lead
investigators for the New York Times, who questioned eir own
qualifications to be working on the article, and hit dead end after dead
end while intentionally trying to dig up information on alleged rapes.
This “reporter,” Anat Schwartz, also liked a tweet saying that I$rael
needed to “turn the [Gaza] strip into a slaughterhouse.”(1)(2)
Another figure in this propaganda campaign, Cochav Elkayam-Levy, was
hosted by the White House in December, whom it described in a press
statement as the “Chair of Israel’s Civil Commission on October 7 Crimes
by Hamas Against Women and Children.” Since then ey has been the center
of scandal in I$rael where it has been exposed that the “Commission” is
just one persyn, and despite its name is not an official state
commission. Elkayam-Levy released a “Horrors Report” that was 4 pages
long, listing newspaper headlines and some signatures. Meanwhile ey
attempted to raise $8 million for the “Commission’s”
investigation.(3)
While working on this article another New York Times piece
came out claiming that an I$raeli prisoner was sexually assaulted. This
came out months after her release and having given a press conference on
her imprisonment. It also came out shortly after that new evidence had
been uncovered to prove some of their claims about rapes on October 7th
false. In reality, it was already known that these claims were false
before the original article came out.(4) What is not debated is the fact
that these wimmin were killed in the October 7th attack. The grandfather
of the two girls killed by Hamas, mentioned in the NYT report
on rape, said it “was the saddest day of my life.” So why is it so
necessary for the imperialists to create these stories that they were
raped as well? Finally, this new sexual assault story comes to light as
I$rael is conducting an intentional mass starvation campaign and
destruction of medical care in the Gaza Strip and as footage is released
of I$raeli drones hunting down and murdering unarmed Palestinians
walking down the street.
The imperialist media has at times painted the myth of sexual
assaults on October 7th as the greatest tragedy in the conflict in
Palestine. Greater than the almost 35,000 dead Palestinians, greater
than the thousands of Palestinian babies starving to death as we write
this, even greater than the hundreds of I$raeli lives taken.
Meanwhile, many U.$. prisoners are confused by the state to think
that anyone with a “sex offender” label has assaulted children. And they
see this assault of children, whether real or imagined, by another
prisoner as the greatest tragedy that they will sacrifice their body and
their freedom to avenge. This is a greater tragedy to them than the tens
of thousands of oppressed nation men and wimmin being tortured every day
by the U.$. prison system. The 100,000 rotting
away in long-term isolation. The minds of multiple generations being
zombified by chemical warfare agents being brought in and sold by the
guards. Staff beating people to within an inch of their lives over
frivolous trespasses. Some of our misled readers would rather attack
another prisoner than avenge these atrocities of the state.
Young New Afrikan males are one of the demographics that are most
likely to be raped in the United $tates because of their vastly
disproportionate rate of imprisonment.(5) Palestinians face similar
rates of imprisonment, with accounts of rape in those prisons of both
men and wimmin. A recent UN report says allegations of I$raeli sexual
assault and rape of Palestinan wimmin and girls are credible.(6) It is
clear that by fighting imperialism – its occupations, its wars, its
prisons – we can do the most to combat rape. It is clear that bombing
Gaza is not stopping rape. It should also be clear that attacking other
prisoners who are threatening no one does not stop rape.
Rape revenge fantasies are built up by the patriarchy, to tug at the
emotions of the patriarchal men who are called to avenge the innocent
who are defiled. This props up the very gender relations that lead to
rape in the first place, where individuals take other individuals’ fates
into their own hands through the use of inter-persynal force. These
fantasies are used to divide the oppressed and rally the oppressors.
They are used to justify division and oppression in U.$. prisons, and
they are used to justify war and genocide in the Third World.
This comrade had mail confiscated in June 2023 that ey has been
trying to get ever since.
“The indorm counselor asked me to sign the paper which said I had to
either send it home or have it destroyed and they violated/broke my due
process rights as well as my 1st Amendment rights. I told her I ain’t
signing shit.”
“Then a day later I.A. here at Putnamville Correctional Facility
called me over to give my publication to me after they had them for well
over 6 months, which is a victory, and we will see more I believe.”
The comrade sent us a copy of the letter from the Deputy Chief of
Investigations granting that the publications sent in early June were
permissible – 7 months later!
While we agree there will be more victories, we’ve also seen setbacks
following censorship battles in Indiana over the last couple years.
MIM(Prisons) believes there are no rights, only power struggles. The
grievance campaign being waged in over a dozen states across the country
is geared towards getting prisoners organized to advocate for themselves
because the system is always there to maintain the status quo.
Today the Deputy Chief of Investigations helped a comrade out,
tomorrow ey might not be so generous. Recently the FBI arrested rapists
running FCI-Dublin, yet at other times they’ve imprisoned and
assassinated those who fight for the liberation of the oppressed. The
agents of the state act in the interest of the state. So we cannot rest
on our laurels after a couple censorship victories.
Comrades in MIM(Prisons) and Anti-Imperialist Prisoner Support (AIPS)
have been looking at our last year of practice and planning for 2024. We
want to bring United Struggle from Within (USW) comrades into this
process as we have in the past. So we encourage thoughts and feedback on
the below from our imprisoned readers, especially the questions at the
end.
Starting with the basics, we collectively kept our key operations
running for another year, which is a success in itself. We put out 4
issues of Under Lock & Key on schedule and with positive
responses, processed our prisoner mail in a timely manner, kept our
intro study courses for prisoners running, and sent out monthly
literature orders to prisoners across the country.
Some other accomplishments for 2023 were:
released Second Edition of The Fundamental Political Line of
the Maoist Internationalist Ministry of Prisons
started new level 1 study program based on FPL 2nd
edition
transcribed and edited MIM articles on the Revolutionary
Communist Party(USA) from MIM Theory journals and developed our
own summary analysis of the Revolutionary Internationalist Movement
(RIM) related to the RCP=U$A for a book we plan to release in
2024
relaunched our level 2 study group for prisoners after a few
years of hiatus
expanded our pamphlet on the Great Proletarian Cultural
Revolution in China and began distributing it to prisoners
upgraded and rebuilt our servers
we maintained a weekly study program for more advanced comrades
working with MIM(Prisons) on the outside
While we did not meet our goal of financial contributions from AIPS
comrades, we did see a continued increase in those contributions, so
thanks to those comrades for the vital funding support. However, as we
hinted at in previous issues, we saw a steep drop off in the number and
amount of contributions coming from prisoners in 2023 as seen below.
We are asking for our readers help in investigating this drop. Our
first guess would be that less people are receiving ULK. There
was a corresponding decline in incoming letters over 2023, which meant
less outgoing letters. Though we still mailed out more ULKs
than in 2022, we mailed out less other literature. All of these numbers
seem to indicate a decrease in engagement with prisoners overall. We did
not see a significant decrease in study group participation.
One of our failures for 2023 was to follow through with support for
Texas prisoners, such as: compiling reports for ULK, building
and supporting campaigns, and updating our Texas Campaign Pack. None of
that happened due to one comrade leaving who was leading AIPS efforts in
Texas. Their efforts in 2022 led to an increase in outgoing letters, and
we saw an increase in incoming letters that year seemingly as a result
of the Juneteenth
Freedom Initiative. Then in July 2023, Texas implemented their
digital mail system, which has led to massive delays in prisoners
receiving letters, and much of our literature being rejected because
mailroom staff don’t understand the new system or are using it as an
excuse to censor us. While the decrease in incoming letters from Texas
has continued since that happened, it began well before July. So the
digital mail system certainly doesn’t explain it all.
Another failure for 2023 was our Revolutionary 12 Step Training
course. We want to apologize to the comrades who were keeping up with
their responses to the course. Unfortunately, again, this is a case
where the persyn leading this initiative was not able to follow through.
For now we are considering the training course in that form as done. But
we aspire to relaunch it in the future as we continue to focus on
combating addiction. The Revolutionary 12 Step Program pamphlet
was one of our most distributed items in 2023. And we are encouraging
recipients to report on their efforts at implementing it so we can find
ways to build it.
In 2023 we’ve seen a surge in requests for us to message people
inside electronically through companies the states’ are hiring to run
their digital mail via tablets. Years ago we used to be able to do this.
The early prison email systems were free and accessible. Now they
require credit card information and often for you to install software to
use them. This is not something we are set up to do at this time. So do
not expect us to respond to requests from these state-sponsored
messaging systems in the near future. One comrade in Texas asked why we
don’t have ULK on the tablets. Well, the point of the tablets
is so they can further control and monitor what you read and write. So
we assume that’s never gonna happen, but if you have a way for us to get
on there let us know.
Every recent issue of ULK has listed Spreading ULK as a
campaign to support. In 2024, we need to get serious about that campaign
if we want to keep ULK sustainable and useful. This could be
done by increasing distribution outside of prisons as well. But as the
prison ministry’s primary task is organizing prisoners, we’re asking for
your help in both analyzing what is going on with subscriber numbers and
transforming those numbers. Please take the time to send us your
thoughts on the following questions:
Have you noticed changes in the prison system that have made it
harder for people to subscribe to ULK or less interested in
subscribing?
Have you noticed changes in the prisoner population that have
made people less interested in subscribing?
Have you noticed/heard of people losing interest in ULK
because of the content, or because of the practices of
MIM(Prisons)?
What methods have you seen be successful in getting people
interested in or to subscribe to ULK?
Do you have ideas for how we can increase interest in
ULK in prisons?