MIM(Prisons) is a cell of revolutionaries serving the oppressed masses inside U.$. prisons, guided by the communist ideology of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism.
Under Lock & Key is a news service written by and for prisoners with a focus on what is going on behind bars throughout the United States. Under Lock & Key is available to U.S. prisoners for free through MIM(Prisons)'s Free Political Literature to Prisoners Program, by writing:
MIM(Prisons) PO Box 40799 San Francisco, CA 94140.
Based on a suggestion from a USW comrade in California, we have
reformatted all the petitions for the grievance petition campaign. The
new format makes it easy for prisoners to persynalize each petition, and
to provide clear examples of the experiences they’ve had with the broken
grievance system in their state. These are details some prison
administrators have asked for in their responses to the petitions
they’ve received.
We also incorporated all addresses for who should receive copies of the
petition right onto the petition itself. This way people don’t have to
worry about keeping track of two pieces of paper (one with the address,
and one with their signature).
Besides these significant changes in the quality of information the
petitions now provide, the campaign has spread a lot in recent months.
New petitions have been created for
Montana,
Oregon,
and
Nevada,
to add to the already active states of
Arizona,
California,
Colorado,
North
Carolina,
Oklahoma,
and
Texas.
The petitions can be downloaded and printed by people on the outside by
clicking on each state’s name above. You should send the petition to
your prisoner contacts (with extra copies if you can!) who are having
their voices and complaints quashed by prison authorities. The ability
to have grievances addressed has a direct impact on the day-to-day
living conditions of prisoners, can help to hold prison authorities
accountable for their actions, and even affects one’s ability to take an
issue to court if necessary.
As we convene our third congress, we approach our five year anniversary
as an organization. While members of MIM(Prisons) – and even more so USW
– have been in the prison movement for longer, we find this an opportune
milestone to reflect back on where the prison movement is at and how it
has developed.
In 2011 a series of hunger strikes in California made a great impact
countrywide. Many activists, from crypto-trots to anarchists to
reformists, rallied around this movement and continue to focus on prison
work as a result. While our predecessors in MIM saw the importance of
the prison movement decades ago, their foresight is proving more true
today as we begin to reach a critical mass of activity. It is now a hot
issue within the left wing of white nationalism, which is significant
because whites are not affected by the system extensively enough to call
it a true material interest.
This gradual development has been the result of two things: agitation
around the facts of the U.$. injustice system on the outside, and
prisoner organizing on the inside, both of which MIM and USW have been
diligently working on for decades. In the last year and a half, prisoner
organizing came to a head with the Georgia strike and the
California
hunger strikes, which were both coordinated on a statewide level.
While getting some mainstream and international attention, these events
rang particularly loud among the imprisoned, with a series of similar
actions still developing across the country (recently in Virginia,
Ohio,
Texas,
Illinois,
the federal supermax ADX, Limon in Colorado and a follow-up hunger
strike in Georgia).
Meanwhile, the agitational side of things came to a bit of a head with
the release of the book
The
New Jim Crow last year. This book has continued to get lots of play
from many different sectors of the political spectrum. And while in most
cases those promoting the book are amenable to the lackluster
conclusions, the organization of these facts into a book stand for
themselves. It requires a very biased viewpoint to read this book and
then turn around and deny the national oppression faced by the internal
semi-colonies through the U.$. injustice system. Therefore we think the
overall effect of this book will be both progressive and significant,
despite its limitations.
It is for these reasons that we see this as a moment to seize. When we
started five years ago we had the great fortune of building on the
legacy and existing prisoner support programs of MIM. The ideological
foundation that MIM gave us allowed us to focus our energies on more
practical questions of launching a new prison publication, building
support programs for comrades that are released, developing
correspondence political study programs, and launching a new website
that features the most comprehensive information on censorship, mail
rules, and abuses in prisons across this country.
With our infrastructure built and steadily running, we need to look at
ways to take advantage of the relative consciousness of prisoners right
now and the relative attention the U.$. population has on the prison
system. We have always said that without prisoners organized there is no
prison movement, so we see that as the principal prong of attack. Thus,
we are taking steps to improve the structure of United Struggle from
Within (USW), the mass organization for prisoners that was founded by
MIM and is now led by MIM(Prisons). Building on suggestions from some
leaders in USW, we have enacted a plan to form councils in states where
there are multiple active USW cells. Below we further explain an
organizational structure for our movement, so comrades know where they
fit in and how they should be relating to others.
As we saw during the California strikes, censorship increases, as do
other repressive measures, when organization expands. So as we step up
our efforts, we can expect the state to step up theirs. We will need
more support than ever from volunteers on the outside to do legal and
agitational work to keep the state faithful to their own laws and
regulations.
As big as those challenges are, the internal challenges will be even
greater hurdles for us to jump in the coming years. The recent large
mobilizations have begun to reveal what these challenges will be. And
there is much work to be done to identify, analyze and work to resolve
the contradictions within the prisoner population that allows for the
current conditions where the state dictates how these vast populations
of oppressed people interact with each other and live out their lives.
The prison movement that arose before the great prison boom that began
in the 1980s was a product of the national liberation struggles
occurring at the time. Today, the prison population is ten times as big,
while the political leadership on the outside is scarce. The prison
masses must guard against the great number of misleaders out there
opportunistically grabbing on to the issue of the day to promote
political goals that do not serve the oppressed people of the world.
Prisoners may need to step up to play the leading role this time around,
which will require looking inward. We must not only learn from the past,
but also build independent education programs to develop the skills of
comrades today to conduct their own analysis of the conditions that they
face. On top of that we must promote and develop an internationalist
worldview, to find answers and alliances in the oppressed nations around
the world, and remove the blinders that keep us only focused on Amerika.
There is no liberation to be found in Amerikanism. That Amerikans have
created a prison system that dwarfs all others in humyn history is just
one example of why.
So it is with cautious optimism that we approved the resolution below at
our recent congress. We think this plan addresses proposals submitted by
some USW leaders, and hope you all will work with us to make this an
effective structure.
Congress Resolution on USW Structure
MIM(Prisons) is initiating the creation of statewide councils within
United Struggle from Within (USW), the anti-imperialist mass
organization for prisoners. A council will be sanctioned when two or
more cells exist within a state that are recognized as active and
abiding by the standards of USW. MIM(Prisons) will facilitate these
councils, where the focus is on practical organizing around the needs of
the imprisoned lumpen in that state. As the U.$. prison system is
primarily organized by state, the councils will serve to develop and
address the specific needs and conditions within each state.
In the case where cells have identities other than “USW” we do not
require them to use that name. For example, the
Black
Order Revolutionary Organization, which self-identifies as a “New
Afrikan revolutionary movement,” may be invited to participate in a USW
statewide council. While USW itself does not favor the struggles of any
oppressed nation over another, as a movement we recognize the usefulness
and importance of nation-specific organizing. In the prison environment
there may be lines that cannot be crossed in current conditions which
limit the membership of a group. As long as these cells exhibit true
internationalism and anti-imperialism they may possess dual membership
in USW by joining a statewide council.
With this proposal we are expanding the structure of our movement. We
recognize two main pillars to the ideological leadership of our movement
at this time. One being the MIM(Prisons) cell, and the other being the
Under Lock & Key writers group, which is made up of USW
members and led by and facilitated by MIM(Prisons). The statewide
councils should look to these two groups for ideological guidance in
their organizing work, mainly through the pages of Under Lock &
Key. In contrast, the councils’ main function will be in practical
work directly serving the interests of the imprisoned lumpen. They will
serve to coordinate the organizing work of scattered USW cells in a more
unified way across the state.
MIM(Prisons) will be initiating the California Council immediately, with
others to follow as conditions allow.
Mail the petition to your loved ones and comrades inside who are
experiencing issues with the grievance procedure. Send them extra copies
to share! For more info on this campaign, click
here.
Prisoners should send a copy of the signed petition to each of the
addresses below. Supporters should send letters of support on behalf of
prisoners.
U.S. Department of Justice - Civil Rights Division Special Litigation
Section 950 Pennsylvania Ave, NW, PHB Washington DC 20530
Office of Inspector General HOTLINE PO Box 9778 Arlington, VA
22219
And send MIM(Prisons) copies of any responses you receive!
MIM(Prisons), USW PO Box 40799 San Francisco, CA 94140
Mail the petition to your loved ones and comrades inside who are
experiencing issues with the grievance procedure. Send them extra copies
to share! For more info on this campaign, click
here.
Prisoners should send a copy of the signed petition to each of the
addresses below. Supporters should send letters of support on behalf of
prisoners.
ACLU of Montana PO Box 1317 Helena MT 59624
U.S. Department of Justice - Civil Rights Division Special Litigation
Section 950 Pennsylvania Ave, NW, PHB Washington DC 20530
Office of Inspector General HOTLINE PO Box 9778 Arlington, VA
22219
And send MIM(Prisons) copies of any responses you receive!
MIM(Prisons), USW PO Box 40799 San Francisco, CA 94140
Many people are caught up in the line that millions are enslaved in
this country, and that the main motivating factor behind the prison boom
of recent decades is to put prisoners to work to make money for
corporations or the government. MIM(Prisons) has clearly shown that
U.S.
prisons are not primarily (or even significantly) used to exploit
labor, and that they are a great cost financially to the
imperialists, not a source of profit.(1)
“Indeed, at peak use around 2002, fewer than 5,000 inmates were employed
by private firms, amounting to one-quarter of one per cent of the
carceral population. As for the roughly 8% of convicts who toil for
state and federal industries under lock, they are ‘employed’ at a loss
to correctional authorities in spite of massive subsidies, guaranteed
sales to a captive market of public administrations, and exceedingly low
wages (averaging well under a dollar an hour).”(2)
Instead, we argue that there is a system of population control
(including all the elements of the international definition of genocide)
that utilizes methods of torture on mostly New Afrikan and Latino men,
with a hugely disproportionate representation of First Nation men as
well, across this country on a daily basis. As the new prison movement
grows and gains attention in the mainstream, it is of utmost importance
that we maintain the focus on this truth and not let the white
nationalists define what is ultimately a struggle of the oppressed
nations.
To analyze why the term “prison industrial complex” (“PIC”) is
inaccurate and misleading, let’s look at some common slogans of the
social democrats, who dominate the white nationalist left. First let’s
address the slogan “Welfare not Warfare.” This slogan is a false
dichotomy, where the sloganeer lacks an understanding of imperialism and
militarism.
It is no coincidence that the biggest “welfare states” in the world
today are imperialist countries. Imperialism brings home more profits by
going to war to steal resources, discipline labor, and force economic
policies and business contracts on other nations. And militarism is the
cultural and political product of that fact. The “military industrial
complex” was created when private industry teamed up with the U.$.
government to meet their mutual interests as imperialists. Industry got
the contracts from the government, with guaranteed profits built in, and
the government got the weapons they needed to keep money flowing into
the United $tates by oppressing other nations. This concentration of
wealth produces the high wages and advanced infrastructure that the
Amerikan people benefit from, not to mention the tax money that is made
available for welfare programs. So it is ignorant for activists to claim
that they are being impoverished by the imperialists’ wars as is implied
by the false dichotomy of welfare vs. warfare.
Another slogan of the social democrats which speaks to why they are so
eager to condemn the “PIC” is “Schools not Jails.” This slogan
highlights that there is only so much tax money in a state available to
fund either schools, jails, or something else. There is a limited amount
of money because extracting more taxes would increase class conflict
between the state and the labor aristocracy. This battle is real, and it
is a battle between different public service unions of the labor
aristocracy. The “Schools not Jails” slogan is the rallying cry of one
side of that battle among the labor aristocrats.
Unlike militarism, there is not an imperialist profit interest behind
favoring jails over schools. This is precisely why the concept of a
“PIC” is a fantasy. While the U.$. economy would likely collapse without
the spending that goes into weapons-related industries, Loïc Wacquant
points out that the soft drink industry in the United $tates is almost
twice as big as prison industries, and prison industries are a mere 0.5%
of the gross domestic product.(2) Compared to the military industrial
complex, which is 10% of U.$. GDP, the prison system is obviously not a
“complex” combining state and private interests that cannot be
dismantled without dire consequences to imperialism.(3) And of course,
even those pushing the “PIC” line must admit that over 95% of prisons in
this country are publicly owned and run.(4)
Federal agencies using the prison system to control social elements that
they see as a threat to imperialism is the motivating factor for the
injustice system, not an imperialist drive for profits. Yet the system
is largely decentralized and built on the
interests
of the majority of Amerikans at the local level, and not just the
labor unions and small businesses that benefit directly from spending on
prisons. We would likely not have the imprisonment rates that we have
today without pressure from the so-called “middle class.”
Some in the white nationalist left at times appears to dissent from
other Amerikans on the need for more prisons and more cops. At the root
of both sides’ line is the belief that the majority of Amerikans are
exploited by the system, while the greedy corporations benefit. With
this line, it is easy to accept that prisons are about profit, just like
everything else, and the prison boom can be blamed on the corporations’
greed.
In reality the prison boom is directly related to the demands of the
Amerikan people for “tough on crime” politicians. Amerikans have forced
the criminal injustice system to become the tool of white hysteria. The
imperialists have made great strides in integrating the internal
semi-colonies financially, yet the white nation demands that these
populations be controlled and excluded from their national heritage.
There are many examples of the government trying to shut down prisons
and other cost-saving measures that would have shrunk the prison system,
where labor unions fought them tooth and nail.(1) It is this continued
legacy of national oppression, exposed in great detail in the book
The
New Jim Crow, that is covered up by the term “Prison Industrial
Complex.” The cover-up continues no matter how much these
pseudo-Marxists lament the great injustices suffered by Black and Brown
people at the hands of the “PIC.”
This unfortunate term has been popularized in the Amerikan left by a
number of pseudo-Marxist theorists who are behind some of the popular
prison activist groups on the outside. By explicitly rejecting this
term, we are drawing a clear line between us and the organizations these
activists are behind, many of whom we’ve worked with in one way or
another. For the most part, the organizations themselves do not claim
any Marxist influence or even a particular class analysis, but the
leaders of these groups are very aware of where they disagree with MIM
Thought. It is important that the masses are aware of this disagreement
as well.
It is for these reasons that MIM(Prisons) passed the following policy at
our 2012 congress:
The term “Prison Industrial Complex (PIC)” will not generally be used in
Under Lock & Key because the term conflicts with
MIM(Prisons)’s line on the economic and national make up of the U.$.
prison system. It will only be printed in a context where the meaning of
the term is stated by the author, and either criticized by them or by
us.
This past year MIM(Prisons) was fortunate enough to be working with a
volunteer with legal expertise on our anti-censorship campaign. This
volunteer’s insight and knowledge helped us send in many more letters to
administrators, and with more depth and research than ever before. But
sending out more complaints to prison officials means we are getting
back a comparable amount of bullshit responses from them. Through this
process we’ve learned just how important it is to be selective with who
we write letters on, because sending one form letter protesting a single
censorship incident easily escalates into a major research project.
One of the most common bullshit responses we receive from prison
administrators is that whatever article of mail we sent was “never
received via USPS.” Unfortunately in these cases, the only option we
have is to resend the item via Certified Mail or with Delivery
Confirmation. At least this way the mailroom staff can’t just throw the
mail in the trash. But we won’t know if your mail actually made it into
your hands unless you tell us you got it.
Each July we report how much mail is unreported as received or censored
for the past year. Consistently for the past few years, about 75% of the
mail is unconfirmed at the time of the report. Gradually, as more people
tell us what they received, and respond to Unconfirmed Mail Forms
(UMFs), the amount of unreported mail drops. Our current rate of
unreported mail for the 2010-2011 reporting year is down to 60%, an
all-time low! We attribute this to our widespread use of UMFs, and
subscribers’ diligence in responding to them. But don’t wait until you
get a UMF to report mail you received! Every UMF we send is money we
could have spent sending you actual literature, so you should tell us
what you’ve gotten since the last time you wrote.
Appeals are Viable Tactic
Appealing censorship and filing grievances can lead to small but
significant victories. In Arizona, Pennsylvania, California and
Colorado, some mail from MIM Distributors which was originally denied,
was allowed to be received by prisoners after appeal. Of course not all
appeals will be granted, and we don’t expect to ever be completely free
of censorship from the state. But we encourage everyone to at least
attempt to appeal all censorship of mail from MIM(Prisons). Send us
copies of your documents and we can upload them to our website
www.prisoncensorship.info.
Future Struggles
Do we even need to say it? If you know the words, then sing along:
California is still banning literature from MIM
Distributors! Up to the present, administrators and staff in CDCR
amazingly are still citing the 2006 ban of MIM literature, which was
overturned in 2007! In another attempt to remedy this problem, we have
compiled a supplement to our Censorship Guide which is specific to the
California ban. If a 2006 memo is cited as a reason why you can’t get
mail from us, tell us and we’ll send you the supplement.
Mailroom staff in Michigan are eager to protect the
“freedom” of white supremacists, as this subscriber reports:
“Please know that I was able to obtain a hearing yesterday on the
administration’s rejection of MIM Theory 13, even though MDOC policy
doesn’t require one to be held due to it already being on the Restricted
Publications List (RPL). The hearing officer gave two reasons for
upholding the rejection: 1) It was on the RPL; 2) It was racist because
there was an article against white supremacists. I found reason number 2
rather illuminating. . . I asked which article she was referring to and,
quickly scanning the table of contents, asked her,”Is it the book review
criticizing Adolph Hitler’s Mein Kampf?” In any event, she could not
point out a single reason for the rejection let alone relate it to a
serious penological concern. I flipped through it and pointed out many
reasons why it should be let in and, of course, one of them was that it
is against white supremacy or racial supremacy of any type.”
Last year we reported that we were contacted by the ACLU in
Nebraska because they had been contacted by one of our
subscribers regarding the ban of literature from us. They wrote at least
one letter to the Warden at Tecumseh State Correctional Institution.
This letter was important because it forced the Director Robert P.
Houson of Nebraska Department of Correctional Services to admit that
“there is no outright ban on MIM’s publications at TSCI at this time and
such a ban never existed in the past.” Unfortunately it appears that the
legal intern who favored us has left the organization, and their new
legal intern isn’t being as generous with their legal expertise and
sway. We encourage prisoners to contact the ACLU and other support
organizations to help them fill a role that MIM(Prisons) can’t.
Last year we reported that Arizona was holding the
position that publishers have no appeal rights if their materials are
censored. In January 2012, thanks to the assistance of our legal
volunteer, we were able to send Director Charles L. Ryan a letter
detailing exactly the legality behind our claim to appeal rights. In
June we received a letter from Assistant Attorney General Pamela J.
Linnins, responding to a different letter from us in May. She has yet to
respond directly to our letter from January.
“It appears that the Department and MIM Distributors must agree to
disagree. The Department stands by its position and belief that you do
not have a right to notice when inmates are denied access, regardless of
its permanence, to your publications. However, as a courtesy to you and
pursuant to your request, the Department will begin providing notice to
you, MIM Distributors, when inmates are denied an issue of your
publications.”
At Red Onion State Prison in Virginia, multiple
lawsuits reached settlement in the last few years challenging their
illegal censorship of literature, namely from Prison Legal News
and The Final Call. We were hoping that these settlements would
have had an impact on our own literature, but we appear to still be
banned at Red Onion. The amount of literature we know was censored is
the same for the past 2 reporting years, but the amount of mail we know
was received is about a third as much this reporting year compared to
2010-2011. This could be from delay inherent to mail correspondence, or
it could be due to more censorship. It is unclear which is true at this
time.
Other states with significantly large censorship proportions were:
South Carolina and Florida. It is
significant that wherever we have a growing population of active
subscribers, repression of our literature increases. We hope comrades
and subscribers everywhere will take up this important battle to protect
freedom to share knowledge. If you’re in a state listed above, you
should especially get on board!
When the 2011 food strike was peaking in California, MIM(Prisons) had
mentioned similar tactics being used by Palestinians in Israeli prisons.
And just as the struggle in U.$. prisons continues, so has the struggle
of the Palestinians. A mass hunger strike lasted 28 days this spring,
with some leaders having gone as long as 77 days without food, until an
agreement was made on May 15.
“The written agreement contained five main provisions:
The prisoners would end their hunger strike following the signing of the
agreement;
There will be an end to the use of long-term isolation of prisoners for
“security” reasons, and the 19 prisoners will be moved out of isolation
within 72 hours;
Family visits for first-degree relatives to prisoners from the Gaza
Strip and for families from the West Bank who have been denied visit
based on vague “security reasons” will be reinstated within one
month;
The Israeli intelligence agency guarantees that there will be a
committee formed to facilitate meetings between the IPS and prisoners in
order to improve their daily conditions;
There will be no new administrative detention orders or renewals of
administrative detention orders for the 308 Palestinians currently in
administrative detention, unless the secret files, upon which
administrative detention is based, contains “very serious”
information.”(1)
While the concessions were a bit more gratifying than those that
stopped the strike in California, Palestinians still have to ensure that
Israeli actions followed their words, just as
prisoners
have been struggling to do in California. And sure enough the
Israelis have not followed through, as leading hunger strikers have had
their “administrative detentions” (which means indefinite imprisonment
without charge or conviction) renewed. One striker has been on
continuous hunger strike since April 12, and was reported to be in grave
danger on July 5, after 85 days without eating. Others have also
restarted their hunger strikes as the Israelis prove that they need
another push to respect Palestinian humyn rights.
[UPDATE: As of July 10, Mahmoud Sarsak was released
from administrative detention, after a three month fast. Others continue
their fasts, including Akram Rikhawi (90 days), Samer Al Barq (50 days)
and Hassan Safadi (20 days).]
MIM(Prisons) says that U.$. prisons are just as illegitimate in their
imprisonment of New Afrikan, First Nation, Boricua and Chicano peoples
as Israel is in imprisoning the occupied Palestinians. The extreme use
of imprisonment practiced by the settler states is connected to the
importance that the settlers themselves put on the political goals of
that imprisonment. Someone isn’t put in long-term isolation because
they’re a kleptomaniac or a rapist, but they are put in long-term
isolation because they represent and support the struggle of their
people to be free of settler control.
In December 2010, prisoners across the state of Georgia went on strike
to protest conditions. Rather than address the prisoners’ concerns of
abusive conditions, the state responded with repressive force, beating
prisoners to the point where at least one prisoner went into a coma.
Since then, 37 prisoners have spent the last 18 months in solitary
confinement, a form of torture, in response to their political
activities. On 11 June 2012, some of those prisoners began a hunger
strike in response to the continued attempts to repress them. More
recently, prisoners in other facilities in Georgia have joined the
hunger strike.
MIM(Prisons) stands in solidarity with these comrades that are combating
the abuse faced by Georgia prisoners, being beaten and thrown in
solitary confinement. State employees have told these comrades that they
are going to die of hunger under their watch. Oppressed people inside
and outside prison need to come together to defend themselves from these
state sanctioned murders and abuse.
Brazil has instituted a program in its federal prisons to allow
prisoners to earn an earlier release by reading certain books and
writing reports on them. In a country with a maximum prison sentence of
30 years, they recognize the need to reform people who will be released
some day. The program is interesting for us because it’s hard to imagine
Amerikans accepting such a program, in a country where there is no
consideration for what people will do with themselves after a long
prison term with no access to educational programs, and
prisoners
who do achieve higher education get no consideration in parole
hearings.
This reform in Brazil seems to be quite limited. Only certain prisoners
will be approved to participate, there is a limit to 48 days reduction
in your sentence each year, and the list of books is to be determined by
the state. Meanwhile, the standards applied for judging the book reports
will include grammar, hand-writing and correct punctuation. Which begs
the question of what are the prisoners supposed to be learning exactly?
Writing skills are useful to succeed in the real world, but being able
to use commas correctly is hardly a sign of reform.
In socialist China, before
Mao
Zedong‘s death, all prisoners participated in study and it was
integral to every prisoner’s release. Rather than judging peoples’
handwriting, prison workers assessed prisoners’ ability to understand
why what they did was wrong, and to reform their ways.
The
Chinese prison system was an anomaly in the history of prisons in
its approach to actually reforming people to live lives that did not
harm other humyn beings through self-reflection and political study.
This type of system will be needed to rehabilitate pro-capitalist
Amerikans under the joint dictatorship of the proletariat of the
oppressed nations. It is very different from the approaches of isolation
and brute force that Amerikans currently use on the oppressed nations.
While it would be a miracle to have in the United $tates today, the
Brazil program demonstrates the great limitations of bourgeois reforms
of the current system. The books are to be literature, philosophy and
science that are recognized as valuable to the bourgeois culture. And
the standards for judging the prisoners will be mostly about rote
learning. The politics that are behind such a program will determine its
outcome. Without a truly socialist state as existed in China during
Mao’s leadership, we can never have a prison system truly focused on
reforming people.
Snow White and the Huntsman is a more in-depth, live-action
take on the Disney classic. A variety of themes are explored in this
film that were glossed over or undeveloped in the animated version, but
the basic plot remains the same.
The story begins with Snow White as a small girl. Her mother falls ill
and dies. Shortly thereafter the widower king is drawn into battle with
a “dark and mysterious” army, whose warriors are made of obsidian or
glass. The army is defeated and a prisoner, a beautiful womyn, is
rescued. The king marries the prisoner the very next day, and she
quickly is revealed to be an evil witch. The new queen kills the king,
locks Snow White in a tower, and destroys the entire kingdom. How Snow
White survived her decade of solitary confinement was not addressed in
the film, but would have been interesting for us to analyze and likely
criticize.
The queen was under a spell that kept her the fairest in the land, so
long as she sucks the youth and beauty out of young wimmin to constantly
replenish her powers. This beauty enables her to manipulate people who
are distracted by her good looks, and to cast spells of her own. The
spell can only be broken by “fairest blood,” and as Snow White comes of
age in her prison tower, she becomes a threat to the queen’s powers. The
magic mirror on the wall instructs the queen to eat Snow White’s heart
so that she will become immortal.
The queen’s brother goes to retrieve Snow White for a meeting with the
queen. Of course Snow White escapes, and through a course of events
leads a revolution to take back the kingdom from the evil queen. It is
Snow White’s “purity” and “innocence” (as well as a blessing from a
forest creature straight out of Princess Mononoke) that give
her magical powers to overcome the queen’s spells and tricks. A classic
Jesus story, complete with a resurrection.
When the evil queen first took power, the subjects initially tried to
resist her rule. They were defeated each time, and eventually everyone
gave up, broke into sects, turned alcoholic, and warred with each other
just trying to stay alive. An oracle dwarf identified Snow White as
having a “destiny.” It was only the power of this destined leader that
could bring everyone together and overcome the evil queen.
The take-home lessons from Snow White and the Huntsman are
defeatist. “Find a good leader and follow them.” “People’s struggle
isn’t winnable.” “There’s nothing you can do to challenge the
all-powerful status quo.” These are typical messages to be expected from
a mainstream Amerikkkan movie.
The only theme that was remotely interesting was the queen’s views on
gender and beauty. She has been a victim of beauty for twenty lifetimes
and has built up a lot of resentment toward men. This resentment comes
up in her murder of the king, because she is distrustful of men, who
will just throw her out when she ages. In a later scene, she is
assessing two male prisoners who have just been captured, and one is
young and handsome. Before killing him with her own fingers, she gives a
monologue about how he would have been her ruin, but instead she will be
his ruin. This is a good critique of the fetishization of youth and
beauty and its contribution to a variety of mental health challenges
people in our society must face. Had the queen not been valued by men
only for her beauty, she may have been a more benevolent dictator, at
least to the handsome young men who cross her path.
Snow White and the Huntsman doesn’t get my recommendation. We
don’t need any more encouragement in our society to drink our sorrows
about the status quo away, waiting for our own Snow White. And it’s
unnecessary to wait, because your Snow White is you!