MIM(Prisons) is a cell of revolutionaries serving the oppressed masses inside U.$. prisons, guided by the communist ideology of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism.
Under Lock & Key is a news service written by and for prisoners with a focus on what is going on behind bars throughout the United States. Under Lock & Key is available to U.S. prisoners for free through MIM(Prisons)'s Free Political Literature to Prisoners Program, by writing:
MIM(Prisons) PO Box 40799 San Francisco, CA 94140.
Here in California, the Agreement to End Hostilities has ushered in a
new era for all of us behind bars and on the streets. Prison yards in
California are a laboratory for society at large. If we can do it here
then so goes the rest of the country. It’s not easy to undo racial
antipathy, but we are doing it here in California. Every time we forge a
new friendship or business association with those of other races it is
one more bridge across what divides all of us.
“The pig system” has tactics to separate us so we are weak without
unity. But those of us with an open eye toward the future work to
minimize what can be used against us. I myself am nearly 50 years old
and have spent over 30 years as a serious hater as part of a well-known
street/prison gang. The 21st century will be one of great change for us
all. The best advice I can give my fellow humans is to let go of the
dogmatic ideology of the 20th century and evolve in a constructive
manner. Our fight is not between one another but between the “haves” and
“have nots.” We are the “have nots,” no one will give anything to us; we
will have to take what we need for our people.
Educate yourself in history, politics and economics. The United Front
for Peace in Prisons (UFPP) Statement of Principles is a good place to
start. Peace, Unity, Growth, Internationalism, Independence is a sound
formula for success. If you are reading this it is not by accident.
Mankind, in order to survive, will have to reach for the stars at some
point. But first we must refine ourselves in the furnace of evolution.
If we humans as a species can cooperate with each other, in time we will
cross the threshold. It starts with the man in the cell next to you or
across the way. Peace.
In Struggle, A reformed Nazi
MIM(Prisons) adds: We print this as a testament to the strength
of the AEH, the UFPP, and especially the anti-imperialist prison
movement that inspires those who’ve held all sorts of backwards lumpen
mentalities to become arbiters of revolutionary unity and change.
However, it is easier to win over those who have matured and learned the
errors of their ways over time. To be successful we need the
20-somethings, the youngsters, the up-and-comers to take the
revolutionary road. We must develop tactics to accelerate the education
and maturation of the young lumpen leaders and would-be leaders in our
midst.
If we accept MIM(Prisons)’s line and analysis that U.$. prisoners –
lumpen prisoners of oppressed nations – have the most objective
class-nation interest in anti-imperialism, then of course the validity
of this analysis can be tested in practice, whereby objective organizing
factors-forces would be evident. MIM(Prisons), to its credit of
remarkable theoretical leadership, has already outlined in its article
on prison organizing what the principal contradiction is driving the
Prison Movement.(1) MIMP also challenged its prison cadre (of prisoner
study groups) to do the same for their own specific state prison
conditions. While these theoretical tasks are undoubtedly necessary,
they don’t really instruct us on whether the Prison Movement is actually
moving, or better yet whether there is even a Prison Movement to move.
Thus, it is the aim of this article to look deeper into the question of
prison organizing, to determine what fundamental factors-forces need to
be in evidence for there to be a viable Prison Movement, and above all
to give an honest assessment of the U.$. lumpen prisoner’s potential to
be leaders of any progressive movement, least of all, one of
anti-imperialism or national liberation. However, it should be noted
that the conclusions reached in this article are specific to Washington
state prisons. It is the hope of the author that other cadre across U.$.
prisons will pick up the pen and conduct their own serious and sober
investigation.
For MIM(Prisons), the principal contradiction determining the
development and direction of the Prison Movement is expressed in terms
of consciousness, not class or nation. With individualistic (petty
bourgeois) attitudes and behavior occupying one pole of the
contradiction, the other pole is occupied by more group-oriented
(progressive) conduct and concern. And at this time, as it has been for
some time, individualistic consciousness is the dominant pole of the
principal contradiction. In other words, within a given prison
environment, most prisoners view their interests (short-term,
medium-term, and even long-term) being realized through individualism
(and opportunism). Accordingly, group-oriented thinking and action are
rarely seen and therefore have little-to-no impact on the Prison
Movement.
Washington state is no different in this regard. In fact, it is
exceptional in a level of individualism, opportunism, and soft-shoe
parasitism that prevail among its prisoners. Sure, the anti-people
behavior of snitching, drug culture, extortion through manipulation,
etc. is not exclusive to Washington prisons. Such behavior can be seen
in just about any U.$. prison, in settings where violence and
viciousness are the only coins with purchasing power. And yet, in
Washington prisons, extremely adverse conditions are pretty much
nonexistent, and with it a large part of the basis for prison
organizing.
To explain further, Washington state has created a new, depoliticized
prison environment, one in which traditional prison politics are not
tolerated. While prison politics of old were reactionary and
self-destructive, depoliticization has anesthetized the Washington state
prisoner to the contradictions that come with imprisonment. With the
Washington prison of today being somewhat safe, devoid of the
ever-present threat of physical and sexual violence, and other forms of
overt predatory behavior, the prisoner is no longer forced to question
and think critically about the conditions of incarceration. Indeed,
today the prisoner is numb to the political dimensions of incarceration.
There are essentially three ways in which Washington has managed to
accomplish this. First, it has all but institutionalized snitching,
allowing for the systematic abuse/misuse of protective mechanisms (such
as PREA and other federally-mandated laws) by prisoners and staff.(2)
And because consequences for snitching went out with the old prison
politics, this encourages more prisoners to join the growing horde of
informants. This results in more and more prisoners seeing their
interests protected by the state, when unfortunately, it only reinforces
the status quo of their imprisonment.
Conversely, those prisoners who refuse to be pawns of the system isolate
themselves within their own close-knit groups and factions. They sit
back and lament about how so-and-so is telling or they talk fondly about
how things used to be. In reality, these prisoners are only engaging in
their own form of individualism by resurrecting old myths or fashioning
new ones from their false consciousness. Ultimately, these prisoners are
just as bad as the snitches, because they are paralyzed to act or think
critically (and scientifically) by the possibility of being told on. At
least the snitch snitches, that is to say, “acts.”
The second way WA State has sanitized its prisons of organizing
conditions is by institutionalizing privileges. WA State has done a
phenomenal job in this respect. Prisoners can join culture groups where
they have activities and functions. There are a bunch of special jobs as
well as the most coveted Correctional Industries job. Programs range
from education and vocational to religious and community support. Of
course, cable TV, J Pay, food fund raisers, and quarterly food packages
contribute to the sanitization of the prison environment. All of these
taken together allow the prisoner to carve out eir own specialized niche
of doing time, whereby ey becomes a better inmate instead of a better
person. More importantly in the eyes of WA State ey becomes reliable
because eir behavior is predictable. In other words, WA State doesn’t
have to worry about “model inmate” given that ey is lost in doing easy
time.
Finally, the third and most important way WA State created a
depoliticized climate within its prisons was to dismantle and discredit
the old guard. The old guard represented a collection of old-school
prisoners, who were versed in prison politics of both revolutionary and
reactionary iterations. (The term “prison politics” originated during
the late 60s and 70s, as a liberation ideology beyond the walls found a
home behind the walls. But just as the reactionaries beat back the tide
of social change, those revolutionary prisoners under lock and key
suffered similar fate. What was left in the walk was the same predations
and parasitism we saw in lumpen communities of oppressed nations at that
time. Today, most prisoners erroneously believe prison politics to mean
prison LO’s pushing the line behind telephones and tables or checking in
prisoners who’s paperwork didn’t check out.) Sadly, most of these
prisoners have given up on handing down “game” to the younger
generations, least of all organizing for better prison conditions. They
are either bought off with a special status within prison reserved only
for old timers, or become victims/hostages of their own vices. Those who
have maintained a militant posture, over time, have their characters
impinged in a pig-led campaign to discredit them and their organizing
efforts. It is this dearth of political leadership and guidance that is
most responsible for the depoliticization within WA State prisons.
But such a situation isn’t as discouraging when we look at the WA State
penitentiary. The state penitentiary or West Complex is a closed
(maximum) facility, housing lots of young lumpen org members looking to
wild out. So at the West Complex it is common to have race riots or
prison LO rivalries. Fights are an everyday thing creating an atmosphere
electric with tension. And at just about any moment staff can be
victimized too. Yet, in a seemingly chaotic environment, where WA State
has not eradicated “prison politics,” that is the West Complex
group-oriented action based on principled unity among all the prisoners
resulted in concessions from the state. In early 2018, West Complex
prisoners got fed up with the poor food (pun intended) they were being
served, and as a collective group decided to go on a hunger strike. It
became such a big ordeal in the state that the governor, Jay Inslee,
visited the facility to speak with a few prisoners who registered the
grievances of the population. Of course, the visit by the governor was
more show than a show of concern. The point is, such group-oriented
action actually resulted in some of the grievances of the prisoners
being addressed. Most notably was the addition of a hot breakfast to the
menu where previously it was a cold sack.
The point that this example serves isn’t that reactionary prison
politics work or that violent prisoners are more suited for
group-oriented action. No, the point here is that a repressive
institution such as a maximum facility creates and nurtures violence; it
promotes the continuation of reactionary prison politics. And as
violence occurs and politics are pushed, the repressive nature of the
institution tightens evermore. Eventually, prisoners are forced to deal
with the meager, spartan existence the institution provides them. Some
choose the path of more self-destructive behavior, but it is ALL who
opts for the path of collective-oriented action when the conditions are
ripe.
This isn’t exactly a glowing endorsement of the maximum prison. Too much
reactionary stuff occurs behind its walls by too many prisoners with
reactionary consciousness. Leadership must be in place, the issue to
organize around must be important to most if not everyone. And more
importantly, there can be no hesitation once the wheels move forward and
gains momentum. The organizing effort is too delicate of a process
within the WA State prison environment, which is why more often than not
conditions are left to rot.
The one definite conclusion reached about organizing in WA State prisons
is that the max prison fosters a rebellion among its prisoners that has
the greatest potential to serve the Prison Movement. There is a level of
seriousness and critical awareness seen in the West Complex that is just
nonexistent in other WA State prisons, due to the depoliticization
program. This isn’t to say that there aren’t some enlightened comrades
on WA State medium and minimum mainlines sprinkled here and there. It is
precisely this “sprinkling here and there” of righteous comrades that
the cacophony of “doing easy time” drowns out their leadership, however.
MIMP has already reached the theoretical conclusion that the lumpen
prisoners (of oppressed nations) will make up the vanguard of the Prison
Movement. But here in WA State, unlike most other states, it is the
labor aristocratic and petty-bourgeois oppressor nation prisoners who
are in the majority on most mainlines. And given this group’s
inclination toward fascism, it poses an obstacle to organizing in many
respects. Those oppressor nation prisoners who do not flirt with fascist
politics are generally sex offenders and thus seen as even more taboo to
unite with. This is an interesting dynamic for lumpen prisoners’ (of
oppressed nations) role within the WA State Prison Movement. It must not
only overcome oppressor nation fascism but also violate prison norms set
by politics.
Granted, prison politics have been eliminated on most WA State
mainlines, but they have yet to be eliminated from the hearts and minds
of both lumpen prisoners (of oppressed nations) and oppressor nation
prisoners (fascists). Consequently, the stage of struggle with respect
to the WA State Prison Movement is at the level of disunity and
distrust. Coupled with the very real fact that the lumpen prisoners (of
oppressed nations) are fractured into their own constituent prison and
street LO’s, their leadership in the movement is without a doubt
questionable at this point. For lumpen prisoners (of oppressed nations),
caught in the depoliticized zones of Washington State prisons, the only
objective interest for organizing is for their freedom. Everything else
for this group is about drug culture, checking for wimmin, and
establishing and maintaining a credible prison reputation to take with
them to the street. To this point, the potential for the relatively few
lumpen prisoners (of oppressed nations) to lead or even support a Prison
Movement exists within the WA State closed custody institution, West
Complex.
While such a conclusion is discouraging for WA State revolutionary
prisoners, the hope lies in defining–maybe redefining–what the aims of
the Prison Movement are relative to the specific conditions of the WA
State. If, in general, the Prison Movement is about improving prison
conditions, agitating and educating the larger population on the
systemic injustices of mass incarcerations, or challenging the
legitimacy of the prison, then the WA State Prison Movement must focus
most of its effort on agitating and educating, challenging the growth of
the prisons, etc. The basis for improving prison conditions has become
an exclusive endeavor for the typical “legal beagle” in search of a big
payday. The average prisoner has it too good to want to organize for
better.
In conclusion, it is the overall contention of this article that the WA
State Prison Movement exists, but solely in the individual practices of
the few righteous comrades throughout the system.
MIM(Prisons) responds: This writer demonstrates how to study
local prison conditions to determine the contradictions and where to
best focus our organizing energy. This is something that has to be done
from within each state by people who live there and know the conditions.
It can’t be done from the outside. With this analysis we can compare
conditions, learn from best practices in other similar prisons, and
build our organizing work in a scientific way. We welcome comrades in
other states to follow this example and send in your own analysis of
your state or prison conditions. We also hope other WA prisoners will
respond to this analysis with your thoughts and observations.
I am writing on the behalf of the UBN/BBA of North Karolina. The
movement is going downhill due to this new wave of beloveds. This new
generation of Damus (especially the Emus) are konfused. We are breeding
pliable brothers and placing them in strong positions as leaders of the
movement. All these new komrades know is violence and gossip because
time and patience is not being donated anymore. History is not being
properly taught anymore, so they don’t know where we come from as Damus!
Everybody want to be leaders nowadays. They say you must stand on your
own first before you kan stand with a group. Katz just want to make a
name for themselves.
I’m in tune with komrades in society as well as behind these enemy
lines. It’s getting a little bit better in some prisons in North
Karolina but in most kounty jails such as the one I’m housed in the
kommunication is shot to hell and it forces others to gossip and spread
rumors. With those actions bring acts of violence and the gangster
mentality. Which goes back to what I was touching base on at an earlier
portion of this where I stated people are “pliable.” They want to fit in
or feel like they’re important.
We need to go back to the original teachings. Go back to mandating the
study of our history, our founding fathers, our true purpose, etc. We
also need to create a better form of maintaining better communication
behind these enemy lines as well as the blakktop. We are weakening our
ownselves with all this bullshit we are doing as an entity! We
forgetting that Damu is about “Positive over Negative.” We are about
killing oppression with a positive impression. All this Damu on Damu
shit is a double oh banga.
Before we can expect to make a difference behind these enemy lines we
must first make a difference within our own movements due to the fact we
are who make up the prisons and in unity, we will be the ones to make a
difference. We must first unify though! This system don’t give a fukk
about us beloveds. Fukk the pig$, and stop all of this snitching shit B!
WTF is going on? The oppressors know more about us and our shit than we
do. Tighten up komrades we gotta do better.
MIM(Prisons) responds: This comrade echoes the USW slogan of
“Unity from the inside out.” Lumpen organizations must build unity
internally first, before solid unity can be built with other
organizations. And building this unity inside prisons can also transfer
to life outside of prisons. So this is an important call to be made. We
look forward to hearing more from this comrade’s efforts, successes and
failures, and how they can be applied by others facing the same
situation.
In the February 2019 issue of the SF BayView there was a headline
that read, “California Prisoners endangered by forced merger of Snitch
Yards.” And it dawns on the world, how can a prisoner in the prison
state capitol affect change on a national, and international level, if
they can not find unity as a population suffering under the exact same
conditions of: Police Brutality, Don’t ask Don’t Tell, Code of Silence
Policies, Corrupt Administrative Justices, and Counterfeit Social
Justice/Prison Reform Advocates. Prisoners in California suffer, as a
whole, under these conditions, yet the leaderships of the most
politically advanced wrestle over popularity contests between who is
“active” and who is non-active, who is with the business and who is not.
Just what business is it that defines whether a person in prison is
active or not? Is it not the Freedom of All Persons in Prison we
struggle for, or is it but a select few?
Aren’t we all political prisoners, under these current conditions? Of
course, there are those amongst the population of prisoners who are
deserving of a bit more popularity than others. Those who carry the
publicity of high profile cases as social justice activist, militants
and radicals. All in all however, do we not share the similar suffering
under this condition called imprisonment?
In California, leaders must really mature themselves and their followers
to the level of love and reconciliation, this be prisoners and former
prisoners. The time is: N.O.W.
Headlines like this one in the SF BayView, designating all
Sensitive Needs Yard (SNY) facilities as “snitch yards,” are not only
mis-leading the public support of the California abolitionist
population, but also an abuse of power that promotes dis-unity amongst
the prison populations. Prisoner leaderships must be wise in the manner
with which we allow for our movement to be represented by members of the
public. The most important aspect should be the information that leaders
allow to be published on the state of population affairs. It must be
accurate information, based on facts, that the leaders use when
representing the movement, or its population.
It is a fact, not all prisoners housed at SNY Facilities are snitches.
So for the headline, “…Forced Merger of Snitch Yards” to be presented by
the SF BayView does a (dis)service, to not only one of the
strongest vehicles and stages for the prison abolitionist movement, but
it hurts the movement as a whole. What, social justice and prison reform
for all but SNY prisoners?
Prisons across North America are faced with a similar issue to the SNY
facilities. Those who benefit the most from the all-too-common misnomer
that all SNY are snitches, child molesters, sexual deviants, are the law
enforcement agencies. This too includes mainstream corporate news
reporting agencies. #Fakenews. There are individuals who testified in
the event of their commitment offense all over prison, not just SNY. And
what is to be said about leaderships within prisons affiliated with drug
operations, serving poison to the community, gun violence involving
non-combative casualties of peoples, kids, grandparents, relatives? And
what about the big homies on the line affiliated with pimping, pandering
and prostitution. How many underage homegirls have we condoned being out
in the trap after curfew?
Prisoners across the United $tates in the states of TX, OH, LA, AL, NY,
PA, FL, VA, NC, and SC have begun concerted efforts to consolidate the
various factions of their prison populations, scattered across the
board, for the sake of unity. This effort is known as the National
Freedom and Justice Movement. If the leaderships, and their followings
within California prisons do not cease in their petty quarrels and
name-calling skirmishes on both sides, SNY and GP, those who have often
been at the center of the global discussions for prison reform and
abolitionism might find themselves on the wrong side of history. This is
a most sincere call for prisoners in California, whether it be former
prisoners, juvenile lifer prisoners, non-violent offender prisoners,
level 4, 180 & 270 prisoners.
See, the one thing you all have in common? You’re prisoners. There may
be some who hold strictly to the Agreement to End Hostilities while
others will develop under the United Front for Peace in Prison. Wherever
it be, get in where you fit in and carry love first of all. The movement
is larger than all of us, none is without error, thus there must always
be room for reconciliation.
I for one beg your mercy In struggle and strength
MIM(Prisons) comments: The BayView article in question was
written by someone, who, despite our disagreements on questions of
Marxism, has done a lot to advocate for people in the California
Security Housing Unit (SHU) system. The anti-SNY attitude is still the
status quo among the lumpen organizations (L.O.s) that were once the
main targets of the SHU. And some supporters of those who spent years
and decades in those torture cells parrot the disparaging attitudes
towards SNY, which peaked at almost one third of the California prison
population before the forced integration began.
We stand with the families who are concerned about the safety of their
loved ones, and who are exposing the state for using the NDPFs as
coercive tools of violence against those who don’t just go along with
the state’s program. Our approach remains one of advocating for and
supporting comrades in these NDPFs who are advocating for the principles
of the United Front for Peace in Prisons(UFPP). While the forced
integration currently serves the state, this is only true as long as
prisoners stay divided. By building the UFPP in the interests of all
imprisoned people, we can turn this tool of oppression into an
opportunity to transform decades-long divisions in the California prison
system. We have a long way to go, but some day these divisions must
fall.
The latest reports from withing the NDPFs are included below.
A California prisoner reports on integration at California
Correctional Institution: In CCI-Tehachapi level III, the prisoners
who challenge the status quo are quickly transferred out to the
so-called Non-Designated Programming Facilities (NDPF). There they will
become targets due to our SNY status. This is how CDCR has been
rehabilitating California’s enslaved population. If we don’t jump when
they tell us to jump, or crawl on our knees and hands, we are considered
program failures.
The same type of racist rehabilitation that George Jackson found in the
1960s, I found it myself in 2018 at CCI-Tehachapi. CDCR is creating
monsters, on purpose. This is why many of us come out hating society and
would rather die off than return to prison.
A prisoner in California Substance Abuse Treatment Facility reports
on 1 May 2019: Here at SATF-D facility these guys’ eyes are wired
shut. We have been receiving a flux of prisoners from Soledad and New
Folsom EOP facility. These individuals are New Afrikan and Chican@, they
come from what are known as mainline soft yards, or 50/50 yards. These
are facilities where there is very little to zero accountability to the
post-George Jackson structure of prison politicking. Where most mainline
facilities there will be paperwork checking (investigations into a
prisoner’s commitment offense by other prisoners to determine the
internal social status of prisoners on new arrival), or orchestrating
the ostracizing of a persyn who co-operated with the police in their
commitment offense. Although 50/50 facilities are considered mainline
facilities, they don’t engage in much of this sort of behavior. Now they
are being introduced to SATF-D facility, which is supposed to be a
Sensitive Needs Yard (SNY).
There have been a few fist fights, but overall the masses don’t even
care where these new arrivals are coming from. The leaderships within
the facility are already on the look out for particular type of
behavior. We ain’t tripping on an individual’s paperwork, one’s sexual
gender, or activity. Even if one transfers in and is a member of an STG,
we are not ostracizing people here. Give it enough time, most guys are
rolling it up and having admin rehouse them, rather than come with the
police tactics. One of the strongest instruments being used is the
United Front for Peace in Prisons statement, the Unity Principle.
I have persynally used the works of Larry Hoover and the “Blueprint from
Gangsters Disciple to Growth and Development” by Ron Erwin to spread the
truth to all G.D.s, and all who have been affiliated, influenced or
associated with and by our movement. From Crips of various subsets like
the Five Deuce, One-O-Seven and Seven Four Hoovers. To the Bloods of
various subsets like the Black P. Stones, Four Deuce Brims, Anthens,
these prison politiks, that are spread by gladiator wars, all have a
root. At this local level we are spreading awareness of the liberation
struggle of freedom fighters like: Leonard Peltier, Mutulu Shakur and
Red Fox Falcon, drawing connections between them and the fathers (and
mothers) of our movements.
What is a gangster? Simply a word, an idea? No Gangster is a psychology,
a mentality.
Six things, in varying degree, regardless of locale, are always present
in penal institutions: authorities (the badge), prisoners (captives),
oppression, resistance, manipulation and violence. Oppression and
manipulation are the badges’ primary tools for controlling prisons.
Captives have recourse to resistance and violence. The gangster is both
target and aspiration for the badge and captives alike; if only for
different reasons.
The badge sees gangsterism as a necessary evil. The “convict code” is
based on gangsterism. The badge uses this to great effect. For example,
misinformation offered by a “friendly” badge. There is no doubt a badge
can call any captive a snitch, or worse, and be believed. Many reason
that the badge does have access to every captive’s file. What possible
purpose could they have in lying to a gangster?
The badge’s main concern is control. Controlling prisoner populations is
most effective when the system can take advantage of pre-existing
mechanisms, such as gangsterism or convict code. In such cases
oppression seems organic, correct course of action instead of
manipulation. More often than not a gangster learns information,
suspicions emerge, questions asked, investigations follow. At the very
least a captive’s credibility is destroyed; at the extreme are
ostracization and violence. This is not only true for the badge.
Captives also manipulate gangsterism. A gangster’s word has merit, more
so than the badge’s. Here too manipulation appears organic. A gangster’s
suspicions sway other captives’ opinions so that character assassination
due to personal enmity is all too familiar. The issue is not the
manipulation but rather the lack of resistance.
Gangster is the pillar of lumpen communities. Eir honor, integrity are
above reproach. Knowing this the badge whispers in the right ears and
later watches captives eating one another like sharks in a small pond.
At present, the rules of gangsterism are at the service of the badge.
Changing the prevailing culture of captive vs. captive violence and
badge collaboration is a serious problem to be resolved in prison today.
Does this mean abandoning gangsterism? Gangsterism is tied up in all
kinds of capitalist principles: machoism, classism, patriarchy, etc.
Yet, it is based in resisting the system: noble seed of revolutions.
Understanding the forces at play is necessary for combating corrupted
gangsterism, because gangsterism can be a stepping stone to
revolutionary mentality.
Every social environment evinces a subjection-manipulation cycle:
subjection to rules, norms, expectations, and manipulation through
rewards and negative consequences. Prisons are no different, neither is
criminal intercourse. Capitalism for general society, gangsterism for
captives. To bring gangsterism back to its revolutionary core we can
turn to the democratic method – unity, criticism, unity.
Gangsterism is at the badge’s service not only because of manipulation
disseminated through gangsters but by lumpen divisions. In prison, far
more than in society, lumpen become isolationists and separatists.
Latinos with Latinos, further segregated by northern or southern
affiliations or otherwise. Identical processes follow for all other
lumpen. These divisions create barriers to communication, distrust and
steady tensions. The badge plays on STG (Security Threat Group, a
Homeland Security terrorist categorization term, also found in FBI
documents referring to Brown Berets and Black Panther Party members or
supporters) affiliations and nation prejudices as much as they do
gangsterism and with the same end in view – greater control. Unity is
the only real response. The badge is unified against us captives in
their efforts. We, on the other hand, are barely unified against each
other. First and foremost, gangsterism should be centered on opposition
and resistance to the badge. Captive vs. badge.
Gangsters must be extra critical with all information received from the
badge. Nine out of ten times the badge doesn’t tell you anything for
your benefit. Information disseminated in the service of penological
interests. Consider how many times the badge has warned you about a
major shake down or offered to hold your contraband? They are always
engaged in exercising more control. Beginning from a united oppositional
front – captives vs. badge – it becomes possible to derail the
subjection-manipulation cycle. Criticism is the second stage in this
process; one must analyze eir motive, endgame and method of
manipulation.
From unity in opposition and criticism of intelligence being gifted us
we turn to unity in response. This last stage of the democratic method
is determined on a case by case basis. Every prison is distinct in
character. Gangsterism is not corrupted everywhere in the exact same
degrees. In some facilities badge collaboration is excessive, in others
captive vs. captive violence is the commanding concern. In progressing
the struggle, captives must be able to unite against the badge. This
means moving beyond nation prejudices and STG allegiances. This
constitutes the hardest step in our struggle.
We see now in these times a great number of mass movements springing up
and struggling for particular causes. A new generation of activists
forming and struggling against ever more specific issues. For almost any
social issue affecting anyone in the United $tates today you will find
some type of movement underway to combat it. From racism, sexism,
religious intolerance, wages, to police brutality, prison reform and
sentencing reform, etc.
These kinds of issues have more or less always existed here in the
United $tates and mass movements have more or less always accompanied
them. However, not much has been accomplished. Every one of these issues
and forms of oppression continue to plague society, with some of them
becoming even more acute. Of course, to many, much has appeared to have
changed; with some reforms made and concessions given, the great tactic
of pacification and distraction has been utilized. But after generations
of struggle and “victories” (reforms) why is it that these problems
continue to exist?
These things are like weeds: you can chop them down and it may appear as
if they have been removed or cut so low that they are no longer
perceived as problems, but they grow right back because the roots were
not ripped out. This leaves one mowing the same patch of weeds week
after week.
All social movements that aren’t struggling to eliminate the root cause
of these forms of oppression are only battling non-principal
contradictions. This doesn’t mean that these issues aren’t important, it
just means that they are merely effects of the principal contradictions,
not their cause. They are by-products of the system that, like weeds,
constantly reproduces itself so long as its base remains intact.
What is the base from which these non-principal contradictions
originate? It is the mode of production: capitalism. It is the economic
base that created and perpetuates these forms of oppression people
continue to fight. What people continue to fight is the superstructure
that protrudes from the base. But these types of struggles will be an
eternal one if we continue to fight what appears to be the cause of
oppression instead of its essence.
Karl Marx’s scientific study of history, and sociology in particular,
allowed him to demonstrate how our material conditions determine our
social relations with each other. Let’s hear Marx putting forth this
concept:
“Assume a particular state of development in the productive faculties of
man and you will get a particular form of commerce and consumption.
Assume particular stages of development in production, commerce, and
consumption and you will have a corresponding social constitution, a
corresponding organization of the family, of orders or of classes, in a
word, a corresponding civil society. Assume a particular civil society
and you will get particular political conditions which are only the
official expression of civil society.”
So goes the materialist conception of history. But we don’t have to take
Marx’s word for it. We can analyze history and see for ourselves how
each different stage of development of the productive forces and the
mode that these forces were subsumed produced its own social relations
peculiar to that mode of production. And with that, its own
contradictions, whether they be manifested in culture, class, gender,
“race,” etc. This demonstrates that our material relations have been the
basis of our relations.
This is the concept of the base (mode of production) producing the
superstructure (social relations, politics, laws, ideology, morality,
desires, etc.). We use this concept to show that a lot of the forms of
oppression that we struggle against are produced by the nature of the
economic foundation that we are dominated by. It has produced and
continues to reproduce these contradictions. Now it is systemic. If we
are ever going to end racism, sexism, imperialism, mass imprisonment,
poverty, hunger, etc., then we have to eliminate the thing that causes
them.
Our movements must consolidate their efforts to attack the base. We have
the valence, we just need to help the people make these connections.
Everything is connected in some way to the economic base, its mode of
production and distribution. Capitalism’s system of “all against all”
has created these contradictions we face. With colonialism, imperialism,
and especially now with neo-colonialism, many new contradictions and
forms of oppression have sprung up that can cloud our vision. But we
can’t continue to concentrate great amounts of our energy and resources
in fighting the non-principal contradictions that don’t target the
system directly.
It is of course understood that at certain moments a nation’s
contradictions that were non-principal before, or perhaps even
non-existent, can become principal contradictions. For example, in China
before/during Mao’s revolution Japanese imperialism was the principal
contradiction, but afterward new contradictions became acute due to the
ever-expanding nature of global capitalism.
In Vietnam before/during Ho Chi Minh’s liberation movement against
French colonialism, for the people of Vietnam colonialism was the
principal contradiction. Then came the fight against U.$. imperialism
which quickly became the principal contradiction. But these were
particular contradictions, not general ones.
Imperialism is an appendage of capitalism. When the courageous and
determined guerilla fighters of Vietnam defeated U.$. imperialism, they
did not end imperialism. They only ended U.$.-Vietnam imperialism.
The point is that while forms of oppression like imperialism can seem
like the principal contradiction to certain nations at certain times, it
can never truly be the principal contradiction overall. Even when China
fought Japanese imperialism, and to them it was the principal
contradiction, in the grand scheme of things it was not; it was the
interests that caused imperialism.
Imperialism can not truly be defeated until the imperialist
nations/empires undergo an internal revolution and the economic
interests that drive imperialism cease to be. So long as global
capitalism and the capitalist global market persists, imperialism will
always exist in some form; it will only be shifted from one nation that
defeats imperialism onto another, and that cycle will continue.
To rid all oppressed nations of imperialist aggression we’ve got to rid
the imperialist nations of the mode of production (capitalism) that
makes imperialism necessary.
Of course, we must always continue to demonstrate against the
by-products of capitalism, the non-principal contradictions. But in
doing so we have to consolidate these movements and establish a
consensus of consciousness so that while we continue to fight everyday
oppression we can also understand that the fight is really much bigger
and we have to all know what the cause of these forms of oppression is.
MIM(Prisons) responds: This is a great explanation of the
nature of capitalism and why reformist and even individual
anti-imperialist battles don’t result in the immediate end of
oppression. To do that, it’s important to define the principal
contradiction within any struggle. The principal contradiction is the
thing that will push forward a struggle the most. It is the highest
priority contradiction, the one that revolutionaries must focus their
energy on. It is the string we can pull to unravel the whole situation.
And so it’s the most important contradiction to focus on right now.
As this author points out, in revolutionary war, as with the ones in
Vietnam and China, the principal contradiction is between the
imperialist occupying force and the oppressed masses. In the world today
overall we see the principal contradiction as between the imperialist
countries and the nations they oppress and exploit. In prison we can
identify the principal contradiction in a particular situation. For
instance when there is an ongoing battle between imprisoned lumpen orgs
then the principal contradiction in that prison might be between two
lumpen organizations. That doesn’t mean it will be the principal
contradiction forever. If we achieve peace between the warring lumpen
groups, the new principal contradiction may be between the lumpen and
the state.
We agree with this writer on the fundamental importance of the
contradiction of capitalism. We say that the class contradiction, which
under capitalism is between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat, is the
fundamental contradiction. This means it underlies all other
contradictions within class society. As this author points out, this is
an important guiding principle because it helps us understand why one
successful revolution in one country won’t lead to the end of all
oppression, even within that country. This doesn’t, however, mean that
class is always the principal contradiction. In fact, as noted above,
the principal contradiction in the world today is between imperialist
countries and the exploited countries. And even within U.$. borders we
see the principal contradiction as between the oppressor and oppressed
nations.
By evaluating every situation scientifically we can figure out what is
the most important contradiction to focus our energy on. And in this way
we can best push forward the revolutionary movement.
If we were to take the key differences as outlined by Willie Lynch such
as age, skin tone, gender, etc. and replace them with more viable,
up-to-date ones pertaining to the lumpen organization class i.e. nation,
tribe, flag color, hood, set, block, race, etc., we get a slightly
different blueprint but the exact same end results. Results that Lynch
prophesized would be self-generating for generations to come. This
blueprint was the same one implemented by J. Edgar Hoover’s FBI
COINTELPRO which saw the dismantling of our Black Power era vanguard. It
is the same blueprint later utilized by law enforcement agencies such as
L.A.’s crash unit, gang detail, gang surveillance unit and prison
guards: divide and control!
An 11 October 2018 riot at Taylor C.I. saw 15 lumpens, including myself,
from different orgs and tribes, beaten, rounded up, beaten some more and
emergency shipped to Florida State Prison’s (FSP) Control Management
Unit. Arriving here and hearing the lumpen-on-lumpen disrespect and
set-tripping on the tiers and back-windows was defiling to the sacrifice
of blood, sweat and tears that we had made. We had taken one small step
against oppression but it was only one small step in one institution.
Elsewhere, however, nothing had changed. At Taylor it was Bloods, Crips,
Folk, a Stone, a local tribesman and a civilian standing together in
solidarity, at FSP it was only business as usual.
Organizing unity at FSP is and has always been a challenge. Although it
is not impossible, it hasn’t happened much. Some of the main setbacks
spawn from accessibility to each other as well as study material due to
censorship. Group building is possible but slow as thoughts would have
to be put on paper and kited from cell to cell risking being knocked off
by C.O.s. Building on the back windows puts you in direct competition
with nihilists, agent provocateurs and otherwise anti-revolutionaries,
but it also puts you at risk of being placed on strip, written up, or
worse for “disorderly conduct” if caught. Censorship is an ongoing
problem for many revolutionary publications because it is said to be
“inflammatory” and “poses a threat to security.” I am not anti-C.O. I
believe that C.O.s have a vital role to play in keeping order in a
potentially hostile environment. I am anti-oppression. My prophecies
arise when certain C.O.s (not all) abuse their authority, overstepping
boundaries. Words written on paper do not incite. Oppressive C.O.s
incite.
Another setback is leadership. Somebody has to step forward and do what
is right. Just because it is right. If nobody starts, then nobody can
follow. As leaders it is our duty to guide the hand of young and less
experienced brothers, especially when one misstep can weaken our chance
of success as a whole. Water has always trickled down-hill so it is the
leaders who must unite in solidarity in order to educate the rest of our
tribes. Unfortunately, while we never lack those who wish to lead, we do
lack those who are qualified to lead leaving room for avarice and chaos
where none were meant to exist. Leaders have to step up and step out of
their comfort zones and their needs to be liked. If something is wrong,
it matters not how many are for it, leaders must stand against it. If a
thing is righteous, it matters not how many don’t like it, leaders must
stand firm in its righteousness. This leads to the biggest setback of
all: history.
The Lynch-like mindsets that have been indoctrinated through our
histories of tribal genocide is a hard, hot bullet to bite when trying
to establish peace with rival tribes with whom we have played live
ammunition tag. This is what makes our hatreds towards each other
perpetual, spanning generations – loved ones lost. The past is of value
only as it aids in understanding the present; and in understanding of
the facts of the problem is the first step to its solution.
Understanding, as well as communication, can go a long way.
Unfortunately, they are luxury not often experienced or allowed in our
lifestyles, making way for petty, ignorant issues that often result in
violence. We have to start somewhere. The breaking down of our walls and
barriers is tantamount to the building up of peace and unity. Even if
the peace process begins 1-on-1, 1-by-1, it is a beginning to something
bigger than us as individuals, separated, the majority of us were
created to override the oppression of our communities and our peoples.
But only together can we begin to turn that ideology into a reality.
MIM(Prisons) adds: Transfers and control units are two useful
tools of the state to prevent positive movements among the prison
population. So we should not blame the masses too much and recognize
that we need leaders to step forward as this comrade does. Each one
teach one.
While transfers are effective to stifle momentum, we must use them as an
opportunity to spread positive ideas to new people. Control units are
also effective tools of repression, and we must continue to focus on the
campaign to end this torturous practice by the United $nakes.
26 December 2018 – A lot of situations have been happening since my last
letter. As you can see my location has changed once again. Reason being
is because at the last/previous slave-pen that held me many prisoners,
including myself, filed informational complaints and grievances on a
situation that occurred with two pig-officers. To make a long story
short, these two pigs taunted and encouraged a mentally-ill prisoner to
cut his wrist with a razor-blade. While this mentally-ill prisoner is in
the shower or even in his cell, he is not allowed to be in possession of
a razor. This is a rule laid by River North Correctional Center (RNCC),
and of course this incident happened in the Restrictive Housing Unit
(segregation). Knowing this prisoner came from the SCORE unit, which is
a unit that houses mentally-ill prisoners, these two officers was
excited to attempt to get this prisoner to slice his wrist. Well, the
prisoner did cut his wrists.
Now, this is where everything begins to hit the fan. These two
pig-officers (C.O. Devine and the C.O. Denton) began to panic. The
prisoner is bleeding out and now has to be rushed to the medical unit.
Both pigs are immediately questioned by their superiors as to how the
prisoner got hold of an open razor. They lied and tried to stage the
whole incident as a self-motivated suicidal attempt.
Their superior, Sgt. May, tells two things: 1) to search the prisoner’s
cell and see if they could find anything that could assist their claim,
and 2) if they’re unsuccessful, find other prisoners on the tier to open
as many razor casings as they can to support the pigs’ cause. How I know
all this? Well for one I’m on the tier it occurred, two, C.O. Devine
came and practically begged me to help him get out of that situation. I
felt disgusted, angry and disrespected!!!
Right then and there, I began to organize the unit to act in assistance
with the mentally-ill prisoner and to expose the corruption and
wickedness of RNCC’s pig-staff. We filed paperwork, wrote out to ACLU,
the DOC, the media, and got our lawyers involved with our family. At
this time, the pigs were harassing each prisoner who was in the
movement. We continued to push with agitation and exposure. More
repression came down. Still we continued and are continuing. Then, the
pig-admin started to separate us and transfer us to different prisons
but the movement continues!
As of right now, I’ve been transferred from RNCC to another Maximum
Security prison in Virginia. However, the movement is still at full
swing. Two other participants have been shipped here along with me. We
still remain in contact with the others also.
Well, that’s the mini-story of what happened, and the struggle against
repression followed us at this site. Mind you, that situation happened
on 5 November 2018, I was removed from the prison shortly after, and
today I’m just receiving my property. In addition to that, pig-officers
here will cut off my commode for long periods so that I’m unable to
flush my toilet. When I try to file Emergency Grievance, they either
don’t take it up or take it and don’t give me a receipt. Who knows what
they’ll do next. I’m up for the fight!
On another note, I am still active in my teaching mode. I have organized
political education classes on the tier and one of the two subjects I
started with was teaching dialectical materialism and the whole
dialectical transformation process. I felt good starting that class
because I have enough information regarding dialectical materialism.
However, the other class on what New Afrika was and New Afrikan
revolutionary nationalism. I struggled because my knowledge of it is
low! But I tried given the circumstances.
Nevertheless, my class on dialectical materialism was successful in
bringing an understanding of its definition and its operation to my
students. I used the information you provided me in the “Introduction to
the Materialist method by MIM(Prisons), October 2017” and “Choosing One
Ideology over Another: The Materialist Method” by MC5 of the Maoist
Internationalist Movement. I explained how dialectical meanings of
material things, people, and ideas transform in a struggle for
liberation. I explained how the dialectical transformation moves in a
perpetual sequence from without to within to without back within, and
just keep going on and on. I gave examples on how it works in a way they
could better understand, and tried my best at breaking it down and
building it back up.
I want to ask you if you can send me anything that I could use in our
P.E. classes to help educate us in what New Afrikan revolutionary
nationalism is and how did it originate, and just the whole concept of
the New Afrikan nation. If I have to pay for it let me know, but it’ll
be a while before I can purchase it because I’m suffering from economic
hardships as of right now but eventually I could scrabble something up.
Just let me know.
MIM(Prisons) responds: We are happy to send study materials to
people who are running study groups and organizing locally. We have two
articles that discuss the concept of New Afrika that were printed in
ULK that we can send you. The New Afrikan Subcommittee of the USW
Council is interested in commissioning someone to turn the content of
these articles into a flier (with art) if that is something your study
group (or anyone) is interested in. For more in depth reading on the
theory and history of Black/New Afrikan nationalism we have a study pack
on the legacy of the BPP($6) and one on revolutionary feminist
proletarian nationalism($8). Send in a donation to the address on p. 1,
or equivalent work-trade (e.g. a report on the organizing and political
education you’re doing, like this article!).
We also print this letter as an excellent example of organizing in spite
of conditions of repression. This writer is working with others to fight
the criminal injustice system from multiple angles. First there is the
fight against the pigs who pushed the prisoner to cut eir wrist, and
tried to get others to help them cover it up. Then there is the
repression that followed, with the transfers and keeping up contact with
other activists. And finally there is the study group, pushing forward
both learning and practice at the same time.
This comrade is setting an example of perseverance in defending
revolutionary principles, and building and maintaining unity with
others.
The Amerikkkan government views our power of enlightenment as
immeasurably more dangerous than their wars, and will stop at nothing to
try and suppress it. Just a point to ponder as I kick off this letter
and something most of us already know but can never be overstated
enough.
Back in the horrific segregation unit (that I was housed in for almost 6
months) I had the pleasure of witnessing this: I ended the year by
composing a 30-page letter to you and also by putting every copy of
ULK in my possession into circulation. Overnight the other
captives’ conversation transformed from mostly useless chatter into
inspired pro-active resistance-fueled talk. They would approach my cell
door, timidly, in hopes of receiving more. I’ll never forget the hungry
look in their eyes and the lesson I learned in this.
Perhaps I’ve overextended my assumption of the-ones-inside’s awareness
of the inner-workings to the Prison Industrial Complex. It baffles me
how blind so many remain to it even while stationed in the very center
of it. So I understand better now the need, in most cases, of beginning
at square one, then perhaps setting a slower pace than I’ve practiced in
the past in the goal of enlightenment. Although the combined effort of
my methods and your printed words did seem to move things along rather
quickly.
Maybe you recall how, as I was composing the year-end letter to you, I
had the pleasure to overhear prisoners discussing if it’s realistic and
possible to succeed in fighting back against the system. With
2-against-1 deciding that it is. Then the one who didn’t believe so
shouting for grievance forms. While the sadistic and beyond-lazy unit
manager looked on and listened in with a pained and disappointed look on
his face. This was only days after I’d passed ULK 65 along.
After this I quickly distributed everything anti-establishment in my
possession. By New Years Day everything I had was passed along. Throwing
shit on prisoners by other prisoners was a common and daily occurrence,
but by the 3rd a loud-mouthed and worthless nurse was covered and the
next day a C.O. While I don’t endorse the act of propelling excrement
missiles, if it must be done then at least let pigs roll in it!
That same day I received a note from a prisoner terrified he would
suffer a seizure and die while in the seg unit due to the criminally
inadequate medical staff and the deliberate indifference displayed by
the C.O.s. While writing my response to him, a mail clerk delivered to
me a brand new Jailhouse Lawyer’s Handbook so I sent him my used
one along with my response and of course your address. The next morning
a prisoner in seg is found dead. A month to the day of my relaunch of
medical grievances which had been postponed by my having to document 6
months worth of obvious retaliation from the pigs.
By January 7, previously apathetic prisoners are demanding grievances
and statement forms while I’m circulating the grievance petition and the
next morning I transfer to my current location. An extremely cushy
prison set up which I’m thankful to be at. But at the same time I’m
overwhelmed with feelings of survival guilt for the ones left behind
there, and all of the fucked up prisons. I am rather stoked about how
I’m not completely cut off from current events any longer since I’m free
from the sensory deprivation torture chamber and will be able to prepare
essays about recent news now. Like this border wall nonsense with the
true purpose to provide a physical manifestation for the racial
resentment found inside many of those in Trump’s base. I’d advise the
idiot in chief to remember the humpty dumpty nursery rhyme.
In the lengthy year-end letter I’d written how I planned to share my
history with the grievance process to demonstrate how the petition
arrived right on time and almost seemed pre-planned. It’s definitely a
game changer and I can never thank you enough. If you are interested in
viewing that, I’ll be more than glad to send it in the future. Right now
I want to go over my history with ULK so far and also request any
extra issues available to learn from and circulate.
This time last year I had the good fortune of coming across ULK
60. I signed up for a subscription and received 61. I got 62 and
after fucking up the audit the next day an angered and cowardly unit
manager removed it from my back pocket and destroyed it before placing
me outdoors until medical had to treat me for dehydration. The next
issue was covered in shit thrown by prisoners who were weak-minded
enough to be enticed by the pigs in hopes of thwarting the continuation
of my 1983 Civil Action claim. Fuck, the interruptions won’t stop – it
sure is easier to write in seg! I will come up with a way to remain
better focused in the next one comrades. In the meantime I will continue
on to service to others, defending the oppressed, and self-sacrifice
geared towards meeting the goals towards greater good.
MIM(Prisons) responds: Thanks for sharing this great example of
the potential impact of sharing political literature with others. Not
only was this comrade engaged by coming across Under Lock &
Key but then ey went on to engage others by sharing ULK. It’s
always inspiring when we get to see the positive results of our
organizing work. Spreading around ULK is a great way to have an
impact. If you want to get extra copies for distribution write in to let
us know.
I’m excited for the upcoming issue about successful recruiting
techniques. I can contribute 2 ideas concerning this. What’s been useful
for me is to always make it obvious I don’t seek to impose my personal
belief or philosophies upon others. I only offer them for examination,
evaluation, and possible use! Which is something I’ve noticed you all
practice. Also, since you continually point out how you are open to and
accepting of criticism.
The second is more rare, I think, and perhaps not a method to be used by
everyone, but I know it does work for some! There’s a documentary called
“Punks Not Dead” and in it Billie Joe Armstrong of Green Day is
discussing how everything he knows about politics was learned through
punk rock, not boring school teachers. How in order for something to
commit to his memory it’s better if it’s in some kind of offensive
fashion. A little twisted or demented, humorous in a “sick” sort of way,
and I can relate to that!
MIM(Prisons) responds: Culture, including music from punk to rap
and even some country, helps make politics relatable and is a great
approach for educating folks. We publish art and poetry in part to reach
different groups of people and offer another way for people to pick up
revolutionary ideas. And we aspire to include more infographics in
ULK, and also eventually run video channels and radio shows.
Ideally there should be musicians making revolutionary music, film
makers producing revolutionary films, and many other genres of
contributors. If you’ve got skills in these areas, step up and get
involved, we need your contributions!