Federal Prisons

War for the Planet of the Apes
14 July 2017
PG-13

This is the third movie in a new trilogy based off the original 5-film series. Like Rise of the Planet of the Apes (2010), War for the Planet of the Apes (2017) makes many references to the original series. It does a lot to set up for the scenario in the original second film, Beneath the Planet of the Apes (1970). However, the ending seems to crush that possibility. There is a fourth film being planned for the new series, and it is not clear what the scenario will be.

This new series lacks some of the scifi complexities of the original that dealt with space and time travel and mutations and evolution. So far the new series has covered a modest 15 years, in one world, and is a pretty straight forward story of struggle and war between humyns and apes whose brains evolved due to a brain-enhancing virus developed to cure Alzheimer's disease in humyns.

In Beneath (1970), the humyn civilization is built around a worship of nuclear weapons and the film is a righteous critique of nukes. In War (2017), the humyns are led by a messianic colonel who blames the man-made viruses for their plight. This leads to an anti-science position that puts these humyns at war with another faction who want to find a medical cure to the plague striking humyns. In the case of nuclear weapons we can say that humyns are taking technological advances into a dangerous direction that threatens all life on Earth. But this new Planet of the Apes series leaves us with the message that we should fear medical advancements. Under capitalism, such fear has a material basis because profits over people can lead to technological disasters in all fields. But in this post-apocalyptic world, there does not seem to be a functioning capitalist economy. So the message amounts to a religious movement calling for a cleansing, and opposing attempts at solutions in medical science. This feeds into the fear-mongering of fascist-leaning religious cults, unlike the original series that critiqued genocidal militarism.

In this movie, Koba haunts Caesar, both in dream-like visions and in the ongoing war that he started with the humyns. The mantra of "Ape shall not kill ape" is brought back by Koba in one vision, after Caesar kills a traitor who gave up Caesar's location in an attempt to save himself, leading to the murder of Caesar's wife and older son. Revenge for this event serves as Caesar's motivation through most of this film. When they encounter the traitor at an enemy camp he attempts to notify the humyns of their presence, endangering Caesar's life a second time. While Caesar is very merciful, he cannot abide to absolutes like "Ape shall not kill ape" and still serve the masses of apes at the same time. We later learn that the seemingly ruthless humyn Colonel has also made sacrifices for the greater good of humyns. The Colonel even offers Caesar lessons in not letting his emotions and drive for revenge guide him. This is one positive message of the film, which ends with Caesar returning to the struggle for all apes that he was so dedicated to in the last two films.

One of the new characters introduced in this third film is a goofy source of slap-stick humor. While this may be seen as a desperate attempt to liven up the series, perhaps it is a throwback to the third film in the original series, Escape from the Planet of the Apes (1971), which has a whimsical feel to it that is inconsistent with the two films before and after it. The comic relief character does play an important role in letting us know that more supersmart apes exist in the world. While he got audience laughs, the only funny part about this character in this reviewer's opinion was how the producers introduced the name of the young humyn who joins the ape leadership on their revenge mission. This young humyn is an interesting look at what we could call national or species suicide. She gives the "Apes United Are Strong" salute before playing a crucial role in breaking them free. At one point she asks the orangutan Maurice, "Me? Ape?". Maurice answers by saying her name. A sort of non-answer that seems to say no, but you are one of us. The examples of apes working for the humyns, and this humyn being part of the apes is a blow against identity politics. An individual's politics and the role they play in the world is not defined by what group they were born into, even though we can analyze about groups and their roles and positions in society.

On the other side, there are many traitors working for the humyns who were called "donkeys" and treated as servants, while being forced to commit much of the brutality against captive apes to prove their loyalty. This type of mentality is so well-established today that no force is needed to get Black and Brown pigs to be more brutal than their white counterparts. One of the traitors who beats and abuses Caesar when he enters the work camp comes to his aid at the very end. This comes after we see Caesar act in a firm and principled way in front of the traitor throughout the film. This is not just a nice, fictional story. In his autobiography, set mostly in the first wave of the U.$. prison movement, Black Panther Eddie Conway demonstrates that being politically consistent and being a leader does impact people in ways you may not realize for some time. And that people will come through for the movement when you don't expect it if you set a good example as a leader.

There is something unbelievable in the way the modern Planet of the Apes films combines the lumbering ape-suited actors, with the scenes of tracking humyns and searching in close combat situations. The idealized images of military and SWAT operations we're so used to in movies today just don't accommodate the clumsy movements of the apes. The more primitive scenes of war in the original series are actually more congruent and believable.

Overall, there was some good character development in War (2017) that demonstrated some useful lessons for political struggle. Like the other films in this new series there is more of a focus on fast-paced battle scenes than in the original series. And like the others in this new series, it loses some of the more radically progressive aspects of the earlier version. Despite that, the focus on prison struggles, like in Rise (2010), will probably preclude this movie from being screened in U.$. prisons. We are still holding out to see whether the makers of the new series will delve into the subject of the dictatorship of the proletariat, as did the last two films of the original series.

La primera vez que vine a la prisión toda mi percepción de organización en las calles cambio. Un cambio debido a la educación de historia: historia de otros movimientos y su organización en las calles desde la prisión. Yo soy creyente de que los prisioneros pueden tener una gran influencia con los activistas debido a nuestras luchas aquí. Pero como el dicho dice; “La lucha del prisionero hoy sera la lucha de la calle mañana.” El trabajo que se debe realizar desde estas paredes es para ayudar a influenciar otras organizaciones en educación, estrategia, democracia central y unidad sobre todos los trabajadores y personas oprimidas. Pero lo que encuentro en las calles es que todo el mundo quiere escoger que batalla es mas importante para su causa en vez de buscar una solución para todos los retos de las organizaciones.

Aquí en prisión a veces nos quedamos atrapados arrogantemente en pelear un asunto, que sólo satisface los deseos de egoístas de una persona, en vez de retar los asuntos que cambian el sistema de forma completa. Nosotros tenemos que aprender a unirnos bajo un paraguas para atacar los asuntos que enfrentamos.

Mi audiencia objetivo serian los trabajadores porque creo que tienen poder pero no lo saben todavía. La diferencia que contradice el trabajo con los trabajadores es que algunos están tan atrapados por el consumismo que no se organizan, o no quieren perder sus estatus así que no luchan enteramente por un mejor sueldo. También pude ser difícil trabajar con el lumpen por la falta de recursos.

Nosotros tendríamos que construir una opinión publica a través de medios de comunicación, cultura del hip hop, deportistas y revistas. La contradicción del capitalismo tiene que ser expuesta para que la audiencia asignada tenga algo porque luchar. Pero para concluir, los prisioneros también pueden ayudar a los LOs construyendo unidad y sobre entendiendo los asuntos de cada uno, combinando teorías y usando la ciencia para desafiar al sistema imperialista.

MIM(Prisons) responds: Este escritor ha traído un punto importante sobre la necesidad del poder mirar mas allá de nuestros asuntos y deseos personales hacia los problemas más grandes de los oprimidos. Esto es especialmente importante si esperamos unirnos más allá de nuestra distinción local. Y de seguro podemos usar salidas culturales para construir una opinión pública y unidad.

En la pregunta de organizar trabajadores, nosotros hemos escrito mucho sobre “la compra natural” de la mayoría de los trabajadores dentro de las fronteras de los U.$. y vemos esto como una explicación material para lo que este escritor anota: Ellos están atrapados en el consumo y no quieren pender su status. Estos trabajadores ganan más que el valor de su labor debido a todas las ganancias de la explotación del Tercer Mundo, que se trae de vuelta a este país imperialista. De forma que los trabajadores aquí sí entienden que su estatus es valioso y genera ganancias. Ellos tienen el dinero para gastar lo que les permite quedar atrapados en el consumo. Como resultado nosotros hemos visto a través de la historia de Amerika que estas personas no son una fuerza para el cambio progresivo, y organizarlos para que exijan salarios más elevados no es organizarse contra el imperialismo. Esta es una de las razones por qué nosotros nos enfocamos en la organización de los lumpen como un grupo que probablemente tenga un interés en la revolución.

MIM(Prisons) espouses a valid conviction that here and now is not the proper moment for a popular uprising (armed struggle).(1) Historically speaking, this is correct. Yet, it raises an important question: should those following the MIM-line dissociate themselves from militant-lines?

First, we must acknowledge reality. I don't mean theoretically or philosophically. Capitalists and their contributors will not surrender control/authority, or their social, global and class positions/privileges without mortal combat. Meaning it's not a question of whether violent struggle will be necessary or not, but rather when is the indicative time? Before we (revolutionaries) can make that distinction, another question must be addressed.

How do we succeed in armed confrontation? This isn't a matter to be solved with theory and study alone. Like Marxist theory or development of such it also concerns practice. Theory without practice is Proudhon-like idealism.

Comrade UFO asks, "What good is a gun if you don't know who the enemy truly is?"(2) A reasonable question. UFO then goes on about "the enemy" being "the system" how it "must be changed" and that "guns with no vision or discipline is suicide for the united front." The better question is: what use is vision or discipline if you lack the skills necessary to champion the cause?

A reliance on educating and building correct political perspective among the masses to solve the problem (capitalism-imperialism), is the same as praying to some benevolent deity for salvation,(3) while your house burns down around you. Your prayers may not be heard at all, let alone answered. If you act to put out the flames and call for help, you may find your salvation. I fear too many place study, theory, line and the likes on a throne of divinity. By doing so they become classroom revolutionaries. As important as all of that is, none of it becomes valid without practice. Engels, Fidel, Lenin, Luxemberg, Mao, Marti, Marx and others recognized this. So why do present-day revolutionaries seem opposed to practice?

Our answer turns on the issue of armed revolt. In theory it's an accepted fact: armed, violent conflict will be needed. Still, many justify not engaging in such confrontations, at present, claiming it'll bring disastrous repressions or "might jeopardize the united front." As if "premature" military operations were the only risk to any anti-imperialist movimiento. A belief which many identify with and then shun alliances with militant organizations and/or lines. A big mistake.

These early armed confrontations are as important as educating, creating consciousness and organizing. Many militias and militant lines are conducting the practice needed to actually champion battle. Such actions create theory based on concrete analysis of concrete conditions. Classroom work is necessary but fieldwork will be the deciding factor once revolutionaries are holding their rifles.

Alienation of these groups or lines, even the apparent alienation of them, can provoke a crippling problem for communism – internal angst. One must recognize their work and sacrifice is invaluable. With their efforts running parallel to classroom work; revolutionaries who educated, built popular support, correct political comprehension and such, will not see themselves obligated to struggle to find appropriate battle theory and principles. The foundational work has been done and its results only need application.

Marx said, "to leave error irrefutted is to encourage immorality."(4) As socialists and communists we all must employ and or cherish practice, not demonstrate aversion towards it. Through practice "man, in varying degrees, comes to know the different relations between man and man, not only through his material life but also through his political and cultural life...."(5)

MIM(Prisons) responds: This comrade is arguing that failure to engage in or at least support armed revolts is refusing to engage in practice. But yet ey concedes up front that now is not the time for armed struggle in the United $tates. It is true that historically we have seen revolutionaries gain many lessons from armed struggle that strengthen and solidify their movement. But these examples are in countries where the time for this struggle is ripe. In other countries, particularly in First World countries, where some groups have engaged in armed actions before conditions are such that there is a chance of winning, they have mostly ended up dead or in prison, not building a stronger movement.

The question this writer raises is: what is practice? Ey argue that educating people is not practice, it is theory. And it seems ey only consider armed struggle to be real practice. Further, ey seems to define "militant" practice as armed struggle. We disagree with this position. Theory work is study: reading and writing about that study. Practice is the real world activity of building a movement. This includes educating others. Someone who spends their time on their tier talking to people about conditions and the broader prison system and how it is tied together, building a united movement to fight those conditions, is not doing theory work. This is educational and organizing work. If you haven't learned how to organize people to do something as non-committal as filling out a grievance form, how can you organize them to war? Working with others to fight critical legal battles like censorship, grievance denial, or abuse is practice. That practice needs to include educating people about the theory behind these legal battles and how they aren't going to take down the criminal injustice system. And it should be focused on building unity for the longer term battles. But it's still firmly in the realm of practice. And we do not think armed struggle is necessary for an organization to be militantly and aggressively active in the service of a cause.

In the essay On Practice (referenced by the author above), Mao wrote: "Whoever wants to know a thing has no way of doing so except by coming into contact with it, that is, by living (practicing) in its environment." The point ey was making is that only through interacting with something can we come to fully know it. This essay actually defined practice far more broadly than just political activism: "Man's social practice is not confined to activity in production, but takes many other forms—class struggle, political life, scientific and artistic pursuits; in short, as a social being, man participates in all spheres of the practical life of society." The point being that one must participate in changing a thing to really come to know it: "If you want to know a certain thing or a certain class of things directly, you must personally participate in the practical struggle to change reality, to change that thing or class of things, for only thus can you come into contact with them as phenomena; only through personal participation in the practical struggle to change reality can you uncover the essence of that thing or class of things and comprehend them."

There are many ways that we can engage in practice to change the world. Of course we know that ultimately to overthrow imperialism armed struggle will be necessary. But this is certainly not the only form of practice that is legitimate and necessary political work.

Recently, comrades held in Administrative Segregation Units (ASU) at Folsom State Prison stepped up the battle against long-term isolation. On 25 May they began a hunger strike to protest the extreme social isolation faced there. ASU is just one more form of control unit, or long-term isolation in California prisons. At Folsom prisoners protested the lack of TVs, pull up bars, education, and social and rehabilitative programs. Outside supporters held a rally in Sacramento.

CDCR responded to the strike by transferring a number of perceived leaders of this campaign a few days in. On 19 June 2017 the strike was suspended.(1) But comrades remain steadfast and call on anyone in an ASU in California to file 602 grievances if they are facing similar conditions of extreme isolation to continue to push this campaign forward.

The various categorizations of long-term isolation units in California are a legal loophole that limited the scope of recent reforms related to Security Housing Units at Pelican Bay, which were already weak to begin with.(2) Meanwhile, at Pelican Bay on 24 May 2017 a fight between prisoners and guards was reported that ended with guards shooting five prisoners.(3) We do not have updated information on their conditions.

For diabetic prisoners, prisons can perform up to 5 fingersticks and insulin administrations per day. A problem is some prisons have blanket policies of only 2 fingersticks and insulin administrations per day, and diabetics are frequently and indiscriminately transferred out to these prisons even though more than 2 fingersticks/insulin administrations per day are necessary to adequatly control their diabetes.

I think the medical treatises, and the other sources cited in the enclosed hand copy of the grievance I have recently filed at my prison will enable diabetic prisoners, as well as prison administrators who are not medical professionals (i.e. the warden, etc.), to recognize when a 2-fingerstick policy is an inadequate regime of treatment.

I also think the illustration of how diabetes and extremely elevated glucose levels harms the body (as evidenced by levels over 300 points, and the accompanying signs and symptoms of elevated glucose) is enough of a showing of physical injury to satisfy the Prisoners' Litigation Reform Act's (PLRA's) "physical injury" requirement necessary to allow a prisoner afflicted by this type of policy to recover additional damages for mental and emotional injury (42 U.S.C.A. Section 1997e(e)).

I am requesting you publish this information so that other prisoners throughout the country will know when their care is lacking and how to pursue proper treatment, through litigation if necessary.

Description of Incident

I am an insulin-dependent diabetic. Lunch is served for diabetics at 12:45 - 13:15 hrs. This is according to the Building Schedule. Like most other diabetics who require 70/30 type insulin, this schedule is too far outside the time frame my pre-breakfast injection of insulin works to lower my lunchtime glucose (by fingerstick at 17:00-18:30 hrs Diabetic Clinic). This is evidenced by the extremely elevated pre-supper glucose level in the 300s, 400s, and 500s. To prevent this, at all the other prisons I've been served lunch from 10:45-11:50 hrs. This is closer to the window period 70/30 insulin is effective to lower lunchtime glucose within. This was evidenced by a lowered pre-supper-time glucose level in the 200s, 100s, and below 100 points. (70/30 insulin is 70% intermediate-acting insulin and 30% short-acting insulin.)

I wrote a grievance on this problem, using information from the Prisoners Diabetes Handbook distributed by Southern Poverty Law Center, and Diabetes Solution by Jorge E. Rodriguez, M.D. On 28 December 2016 Counselor Johnson proofread my grievance for technical compliance before accepting it for processing. I will keep your staff at MIM(Prisons) informed of further developments regarding this.

Diabetes Summary

I also included in my grievance the following information so prison staff can understand the time frames insulin works within. There are 3 characteristics of insulin: onset (when the insulin starts to work), peaks (when the insulin is working the hardest), and duration (how long the insulin works for). The 70/30-type insulin I require is a mixture of 70% intermediate-acting insulin and 30% short-acting insulin. If you take short-acting (regular) insulin, and intermediate-acting (NPH) insulin, you need to eat on time by matching your meals to your insulin injections, so your insulin is peaking at the same time your glucose from your meals is peaking. Here are the time frames of 70/30 insulin:

For me, as for many of the other diabetics who require 70/30 insulin, regular peaks about 3 hours after injection. (This is also the same time my glucose from meals is also peaking.) The NPH component peaks about 5-6 hours after injection. This was about the same time all the other prisons I've been to serve lunch. This was an adequate enough time frame to allow the insulin to lower my lunchtime glucose, measured by fingerstick at suppertime. But here at Riverbed Correctional Facility (RCF) lunch is served too far outside the peak performance cycle to lower my glucose at supper time.

The following information is from Diabetes Solution by Jorge E. Rodriguez, M.D., and my past conversations with diabetes specialists and educators, including this prison's own diabetes education facilitator, Registered Nurse Colin.

When you eat, food is broken down to the blood sugar, called glucose, which then enters the bloodstream where cells use it as food for energy. This process is called glucose-cell metabolism, and it can not occur without the hormone insulin. Insulin is made in the pancreas. Diabetes occurs when the pancreas either doesn't make any insulin, doesn't make enough insulin, or for other reasons the body cannot use its own insulin properly. When this happens glucose starts building up in the blood instead. Diabetes is defined as a fasting glucose level over 125 points, or a random glucose level over 200 points.

Diabetes harms the body in the following way: A glucose molecule looks like a ball made of many sharp points. In high levels the points become abrasive which damages the insides of the veins of the cardiovascular system, kidneys, eyes, etc., causing heart disease, kidney disease, blindness, etc. When glucose becomes this dangerously elevated, the body will attempt to pass it off in the urinary tract. A sign of this is frequent urination. Other symptoms of glucose having become this high are blurry vision, extreme hunger right after eating, dry mouth, thirst, etc. This is happening to me right after lunch at this prison. These symptoms persist until my next shot of insulin begins peaking, 3 hours after supper time insulin administration. A sign I am suffering kidney damage is I can feel my kidneys since I've come to this prison.

MIM(Prisons) responds: This writer is setting a good example for others of sharing knowledge and work ey is doing to help others. Individual medical battles like this one are important for the survival of the individual, and we can make the impact much broader by writing up our successes and failures, documenting information needed by others, and building a movement capable of saving lives while organizing to ultimately dismantle this system of dangerous oppressive criminal injustice.

I was transferred to California Substance Abuse Treatment Facility and State Prison (CSATF). Me and a companion from the former prison we arrived from knew that we had arrived at a concentration camp that was as shitty of a place as we could have ended up in. One can always tell the make-up of a prison by the writings on the walls of its R&R. If its toilets look like something that one could catch a disease from just staring at, and the pigs search out the property seizing every single object that the average person would assume allowable; face it, you're in hell.

Time has found me here, but since the 30th of March, and there have already been several incidents forced before me, one of which surprised the living world out of me. And this isn't something I say lightly. I am a person with pretty thick skin who would like to believe can handle just about anything. But on 6 May 2017, I was revealed a sign that showed me maybe I am not quite ready to handle it all.

1. I was solicited for murder of an inmate by a California correctional officer.

2. On the date of 6 May 2017, at CSATF, approx. 12:05 p.m. after returning from rec. yard to the assigned living quarters D2-211 to be informed by the cell-mate occupying the quarters with me that the facility unit officer Pano had conducted a punitive cell search of the quarters in response to the cell-mate's failure to return to the living quarters in a timely matter, having my cooling fan confiscated.

3. The cell-mate mentioned is an XXX YYY ZZZZ, 28-years-old.

4. I reported to the officer in question C/O Pano, who was covered by colleague C/O Barajas — female floor officer — and C/O Martines — male tower officer — where I opened a dialogue with Pano in regards to an explanation for the confiscation/seizure of my cooling fan; at a time when the temperatures of the living quarters are rising to high levels.

5. C/O Pano replied that the objective of the search was to "give him the attention that he was looking for" referring to XXX YYY ZZZZ.

6. I notified C/O Pano that I had nothing to do with him and XXX YYY ZZZZ problem, and it was unfair that I'd had my personal property confiscated as a result of another person's actions. I informed this officer that I would not be held accountable for another prisoner's actions unless he was somehow asking me to rectify the problem between him and XXX YYY ZZZZ by "handling it."

7. By "handling it", I for all intents and purposes meant to do bodily harm to XXX YYY ZZZZ, as physical force is the only power I have over another, to harm an inmate — being an inmate myself — I went so far as to describe "bashing his head into the wall", as to getting a clear understanding to the degree of violence that officer Pano smiled at me and said, "You know how it goes, it's just business."

9. But I didn't "know how it go." I am not accustomed to officers soliciting my service to do harm to another inmate. Though I have experienced in the past, officers of CDCR attempting to incite violence between myself and a cell-mate out of retaliation for a cell-mate's misbehavior. [Officers conducted a punitive cell search of my assigned living quarters, destroyed only my property and then informed me that it was because of my cell-mate that the nature of the cell search transpired as it did, hoping I'd take my anger out on him, See, KVSP-APPEAL-602-0-10-00887]

10. I am a political prisoner freedom fighter with many years of experience in dealing with crooked officers who abuse their power, invested into both badge and seal by the republic of California to cross up prisoners and have them framed for rule violations and criminal charges in the local courts. My particular history can be reviewed in the Superior Court of CA County of Kern, "People of California v. David Cauthen DF010469A."

11. Officers at Kern Valley State Prison made me the target of a physical beat down, while in handcuffs, for my leadership role in a ten man protest on the rec yard. KVSP officials came together in an effort to frame me in disorder to cover up their attack on me. False statements were made in reports used to have me prosecuted by Kern Valley District Attorney Lisa Green, Officer of the Court, in a criminal complaint based on charges of ATTEMPTED MURDER OF A POLICE OFFICER. I spent nearly two years in California's Security Housing Unit defending myself in court on bogus charges.

12. When it comes to the struggle being waged between California and its most advanced political prisoners, I may be considered an expert. Identifying the sneaky tactics of officers/pigs instigating problems amongst the prison population to justify their failure to correct & rehabilitate. I have made it a point to single-handedly lead the charge of political prisoners uniting and holding the state accountable for their actions.

13. I believe it is in a database held by the state that I am who I say I am and C.O.s may and often do access this data for their own personal information. Officer Pano had to have accessed this information to make himself familiar with me as a prisoner with capabilities of committing violence against another prisoner.

14. After standing in the center of the dayroom of the unit, pleading with Officer Pano that as it had begun to get extremely hot in the cells [The staff at CSATF TURNS THE HEAT ON IN THE SUMMER TIME] his decision to enter my living quarters and confiscate the cooling fan used to keep me cool, would be construed as inhumane & cruel treatment. He just smiled and walked away to retrieve the fan.

15. Pano returned the fan, but not without making a smug statement about how I needed to "get at my celly" and how he'd return to confiscate the fan if the particulars of a situation did not check out.

16. I returned to my assigned living quarters without any further dialogue with Pano. Upon my return I opened a dialogue with my cell-mate XXX YYY ZZZZ in relation to his actions having an effect upon my program, bringing about unnecessary altercation with the Babylon, and what could be done to rectify the situation.

17. I informed XXX YYY ZZZZ that the Babylonian officer had acted in a manner that would cause the two of us to be placed in a cross. It was intended for me to act rash in response to the level of disrespect suffered at the hands of both "Ant" and the Babylons, but as a righteous member of the Black Riders Liberation Party and leader of the United Struggle from Within Chapel Group Ra'star Far I, Prison Ministries I would not be puppeted by the pigs.

18. I informed "Ant" that there were two options. 1) The two of us could file a complaint and get paid from the Babylons' willingness to break the law, or 2) we could fight, like the pigs wanted, for the disrespect suffered to my character and make our people look like fools. I explained to him how I aspired to be a member of the African People's Socialist Party and could not in good conscience support the second option and preferred the first alternative. He too agreed and settled for the first option.

19. I immediately got to work drawing up the statement of facts for the entire incident. Once I had concluded my works I took my outcome to the young ndugu "Ant" to read over. To my surprise he lit up and seemed on fire to bring justice to the situation. We agreed that the facts I outlined were best and should be moved forward on.

20. But on the following day, 8 May 2017, things took a turn for the worst. I reported from my work assignment as a Main Kitchen Baker, making about $0.15 an hour :( Upon arrival to the living quarters I discovered that my cell-mate had rolled up, voluntarily removed himself from the yard and was in the process of being transferred to a more safe/comfortable living environment.

21. This young African stole close to $400 worth of property from me and the Babylons helped him pack it up and travel to the program office. The pigs actually inventoried my belongings as being inside of his property and tried to tell me that it was nothing they could do about it when I brought it to their attention. This alone confirmed to me that the Babylon had planted this lost ndugu amongst my ranks to distract my mission and disorder my campaign to unite the prisoner masses.

22. This ndugu was allowed to roll up with a variety of valuables, but what was of a tell-tale sign that the individual was a plant is that he: 1) Took the complaint that I had put together, 2) He stole letters from the latest supporters of my United Front for Peace in Prisons project "FREE KING DAVID" as a means to interfere with communications, and 3) He stole the goods of commerce to support the economical needs of an initiative to finance the subscriptions to: "The Burning Spear," "The 5% Power Paper," "The Final Call," "The Bayview Newspaper," and "Under Lock & Key."

23. After establishing a partnership with the leader of "Peace Behind Bars" to develop a system of exchange inside prisons using photos of women, to remind men what they struggle to be released to, for postage I convinced this brother to begin printing photos for my project so that I can begin accumulating postage stamps, and in turn offer them to the comrades employed by the above publications in order to have the publications mailed in to the yard with hopes of raising the awareness level. I had a total of 50 wonderful photos prices at the least 8 postage stamps alone. Taking care of the bill of one subscription, dues to he who made it possible and postage for a new 50 photos to be mailed. But all was delayed by Babylon.

24. I have submitted the report as a complaint of C.O.s soliciting murder from me as of 22 May 2017. So I trust Babylon will bring its fire. All of this comes right after the announcement published in "Turning The Tide" of my works to move along the United Front for Peace in Prison and a complaint filed at the previous prison against "UNSAFE WORKING CONDITIONS" in support of the 2016 nationwide prison work stoppage. [See, CSATF Appeal-STAFF COMPLAINT-D-17-02787- ]

I write this statement to describe to brothers & sisters behind the wire inside Babylon of what staying strong under pressure looks like. When you sign up to join forces with groups like the Ida B. Wells Coalition Against Police Brutality, Anti-Racist Action/People Against Racist Terror, Black Riders Liberation Party, Uhuru Movement and the United Struggle from Within, Babylon is going to bring its death game. We must remain strong under fire and lean even greater on the teachings of the groups mentioned above, and those not, placing the people's principles into practice.

No matter who you are, radiate the teachings and uphold good conduct. Feed other prisoners who wander the path of the freedom fighters and trust in the teachings, not the student. The Babylon will scratch and claw at what it fears threatens its existence as a system of power oppressing the people. All of the above mentioned groups are feared because they bring light to the minds of prisoners, who are essentially the most capable mass of people in the United $tates to free themselves from the strongholds of imperialism.

Educate yourself on the methods of government interference with United Front culture campaigns, that you will be prepared. Both state and federal government agencies will go out of their way (the District of Columbia) in order to intimidate the members. In the newsletter publication of Maoist Internationalist Ministry of Prisons, ULK No.56, there is a story published titled, "No TX pack tactics have worked," by a Texas prisoner. This story really touched me because I know the struggle. It feels like it's all a waste of time, but it's not! I've learned that we won't see the works of our labor filing charges against the Department, but it will be NOTICE.

At the moment the Campaign Demanding that our Grievances be addressed is in a phase where supporters of the campaign in states across the U.$. are familiarizing themselves with the art of serving NOTICE to the office that corruption is taking place. Once prisoners master the art of serving NOTICE, then they will learn to FILE CHARGES against the office with the right people/agency, forcing the Department to make a public statement officially ANSWERING to our charge :)

The comrades being released will then begin holding court with the agents/representatives in the streets. Until then, just keep documenting the corruption until you have a book to release. And you will see the movement that has been here all along. Keep it sharp, keep it tight.

MIM(Prisons) adds: Since receiving this report, the comrade has asked for supporters to call CSATF on eir behalf at (559) 992-7100. Ey is going to initiate a civil complaint. The appeals coordinators are not even processing the appeals, they’re just rubber stamping them. Callers should inquire:

1. Why wasn’t a report filed? A crime occurred.
2. Why was a complaint against a C.O. processed as a first level appeal when it was accepted on its charges of “An Officer Soliciting Murder”?
3. Why was appeal log #SATF-D-17-03418 against SATF Appeals Coordinators for failure to process appeals canceled by a Lt. N. SCAIFE – an officer who wrote themselves into the coordinators office?

As this example paints quite clearly, the campaign to have grievances heard in California prisons, which began over 7 years ago, is a campaign to get the CDCR to put a stop to life-threatening behavior by their staff. The lives of the oppressed nation lumpen are given little regard in this injustice system. Those in power manipulating their wards to fight and kill each other has long been a practice in California prisons to control those who the state sees as a threat. The notorious "gladiator fights" staged by staff in the Corcoran Security Housing Unit is just one blatant example of this. So while the right to have grievances heard may seem like a nicety of civil society, it is more than that. It is about the oppressed having recourse when their lives are threatened by their captors.

Our comrade has already been retaliated against with a transfer for filing a complaint on the above incident, filed by a grievance when the Appeals Coordinator refused to NOTICE the complaint. We expose this case to rally support on the inside and the outside for the campaign for a meaningful grievance process in California prisons, and in all the states across the country waging this same battle.

Well I wanted to give you guys an update. Since I receive your grievance packet 3 weeks ago I have started gathering up the Texas admin. codes that are the minimum requirements set for by the Texas commission on jail standards. Since the county jail I am being held in does not have a law library I have been writing to every library in the state of Texas and requesting chapter by chapter the codes. It has been a long endeavor but is paying off. Since I now have the rules that this jail must play by I can write my grievances with codes to go along with the complaints. Also I can pass the information on to others that are wanting to make a difference. Since I started two weeks ago I have been moved 4 times, and they tried to give me to false cases that have been dropped. It is nice to be able to see that yes hard work pays off even when everything is taken away or restriction. I will keep you updated as this battle continues.

Effective August 7, 2017, envelopes will no longer be provided to inmates. Please ensure that you write your return address on the correspondence itself; otherwise, the inmate receiving the mail will not have the return address.

This is a further attempt to reduce the introduction of drugs into our facilities. It is for the health and safety of the population as correspondence is being soaked/laced with illegal drugs. Correspondence will be copied and only the copies will be provided to the inmate (should this not be effective in eliminating the introduction of drugs into the facilities, further steps maybe taken including allowing only email or postcard correspondence with only one side of the postcard being copied.) I appreciate your assistance as we attempt to keep your loved one safe! - Director Wendy Kelly

This is the current tactic of repression in a so-called attempt to eliminate drug usage. It's really Arkansas Department of Corrections's ploy to increase the censorship of all incoming mail. I'm asking all supporters and prisoners' families to write Director Wendy Kelly to protest this insane act of censoring prisoners' mail. So effective 7 August 2017, we prisoners of ADC will only be given copies of our mail. This act seems to be the state's way of censoring Arkansas prisoners' mail and an effective method to slow the Arkansas grievance petition. Write to protest: Director Wendy Kelly, Arkansas Department of Correction, PO Box 8707, Pine Bluff, Arkansas 71611.

"In order to guarantee that our party and country do not change their color, we must not only have a correct line and correct policies, but must train and bring up millions of successors who will carry on the cause of proletarian revolution." - Chairpersyn Mao Zedong

As we march upon 40 years of commemorating our Black August Memorial (B.A.M.), we recognize the historical origins of what this construct was founded upon, honoring our fallen comrades, i.e. George Jackson, W.L. Nolen, Joka Khatari Gaulden, Cleveland Edwards, Alvin "Sweet Jugs" Miller, and countless others, who were all murdered by this fascist police state, while fighting and resisting the social system of U.$. capitalism and its lackeys.

It would be easy for us to press forward and begin our collective fast, studies, and exercises come Black August 1st, as has been the case for the past 38 years!! So, the question becomes: "What have we learnt over this period?" And "What actions are we prepared to commit ourselves to, in relation to the contradictions that we've identified?" It is no secret, that our New Afrikan communities (N.A.C.) and thus, our New Afrikan Nation (N.A.N.) remains in a "state of emergency," while suffering from a litany of systemic social ills, such as: poverty, addiction, illiteracy, gang violence, tribalism, homeboyism, homelessness, pig brutality & corruption, Liberalism, egotism, inadequate health care, political immaturity, etc.

After being exiled in the state of California's notorious domestic torture chamber (Pelican Bay State Prison's Security Housing Unit) for the past 21 years (1994 to 2015), I've now been able to observe, examine, and study the aforementioned contradictions first hand, for the past 20 months! It is no question that we have our work cut out for us, and I'm confident that the fruits of our labor will begin to harvest the desired revolutionary consciousness amongst our people, as a qualitative negation of the false consciousness that has taken root in our New Afrikan Nation (N.A.N.).

Therefore, it is imperative to remind our people that Black August is a protracted struggle, that must be waged politically, socially, culturally, economically, and militarily 365 days of the year! And not just the 31 days that many unfortunately ascribe to. Our fallen comrades, have provided us with the correct line to march upon, via the fierce, defiant, and daunting struggle, by refusing to capitulate, submit, or surrender to the unrighteous decadent, and exploitative ways of U.$. Capitalism, which is the enemy of all oppressed people!!

In order for the true potential of Black August Resistance (B.A.R.) to be realized as a protracted struggle, 365 days of the year, we must recognize that our efforts will remain stagnant if we fail to develop cadres and equip them with the necessary tools. Tools that will enable comrades to be successful, by keeping the politics of Black August in command, in re-building our New Afrikan nation.

Meaning, we must set forth the course of a complete adherence to the standard of living that Black August entails, per the values, morals, customs, principles, etc. that are inherent in its construct. We cannot afford to waiver from this practice, if we proclaim to be serious about feeding, clothing, and housing the people, while pursuing the course of total liberation from U.$. capitalism!!

I've developed the W.L. Nolen Mentorship Program (W.L.N.M.P.) not only as a tribute to the legacy of our fallen comrade W.L. Nolen, but to also build upon the revolutionary principles that the comrade stood upon and died for! These revolutionary principles are the essence of Black August Resistance (B.A.R.)! And so, we invite all to join us in struggle, by contacting:

MIM(Prisons) adds: The W.L. Nolen Mentorship Program has been held back for a few years by censorship by the California Department of Corrections and "Rehabilitation." A battle MIM(Prisons) provided support for. We hear that the persistence of the comrades behind bars initiating this program has paid off and things are operational at the address above.

We are soliciting articles and artwork on the topic of prisoners engaging with organizing on the streets for ULK 58. This program is an excellent example of that. The WLNMP is primarily focused on linking people in the community with New Afrikan Revolutionaries behind bars to discuss issues of political struggle while meeting of the needs of everyday life. The comrades behind this project are proven leaders who have much to offer as mentors. We wish them success with this program.

Myself and a few more wish to organize on the five principles of the United Front for Peace in Prisons (UFPP) in an old issue of Under Lock & Key 52 we came across. Peace first, because the oppressors have utilized petty conflicts to keep the people divided into classes. Unity second because as a unit we all come together 1 mind 1 goal: the destruction of oppression. Growth Because of its necessary role in our development into a true revolutionary society (and if our movement is not growing we are obviously decaying). Internationalism because we recognize that the U.$. programs the lumpen with materialism so that oppression can thrive through pillaging poor people, and with internationalism we recognize the worldwide struggle. Independence to determine what is best for us and building program that serves the people righteously.

MIM(Prisons) responds: Join these comrades in Louisiana to take up the United Front for Peace in Prisons (UFPP) five principles. Think about how they apply to your work, and what you can do to implement them in organizing against the criminal injustice system. See page 3 of every issue of ULK for details on the UFPP principles.