MIM(Prisons) is a cell of revolutionaries serving the oppressed masses inside U.$. prisons, guided by the communist ideology of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism.
Under Lock & Key is a news service written by and for prisoners with a focus on what is going on behind bars throughout the United States. Under Lock & Key is available to U.S. prisoners for free through MIM(Prisons)'s Free Political Literature to Prisoners Program, by writing:
MIM(Prisons) PO Box 40799 San Francisco, CA 94140.
Analizando el sistema de control social en los Estados Unidos, es
imprescindible que sigamos la línea correcta. Actualmente, la posición
de muchas personas es la de argumentar que el sistema de injusticia está
basado en un “Complejo Industrial de Prisiones”, que nosotr@s en
MIM(Prisons) rechazamos. Un nuevo informe, “Following the Money of Mass
Incarceration” (Siguiendo el Dinero del Encarcelamiento Masivo) de Peter
Wagner y Bernadette Rabuy, proporciona nuevas pruebas para apoyar
nuestra posición.
Las prisiones generalmente son una red compleja de campos de
concentración para semicolonias oprimidas, más que una industria
económicamente rentable. De hecho, existen algunos beneficios que deben
hacerse (y l@s capitalistas/imperialistas son buen@s encontrando sus
nichos) pero, sobre todo, el propósito del sistema de injusticia hoy en
día es el control de la población.
Tal y como Wagner y Rabuy señalan en su artículo: “En este primer
informe, el primero de su tipo, descubrimos que el sistema de
encarcelamiento masivo cuesta al gobierno y a las familias de las
personas involucradas con la justicia al menos 182 mil millones de
dólares al año”. Estos 182 mil millones de dólares incluyen los $374
millones de dólares en beneficios recibidos por la industria de la
prisión privada. Los beneficios de est@s accionistas, que en número son
poc@s, apenas y representan una empresa que genera beneficios de manera
sistemática. De hecho, en el gráfico utilizado como resumen de su
investigación, los autores tuvieron que hacer una excepción en el corte,
en lo que respecta los sectores importantes del presupuesto para
prisiones en los U.$., ¡para poder incluir a las prisiones privadas en
éste!
“Esta industria está dominada por dos grandes sociedades de
cotización oficial, CoreCivic (que hasta hace poco se llamaba
Corrections Corporation of America (CCA – Sociedad Correccional de
Estados Unidos) y The GEO Group, así como por una pequeña empresa
privada, Management & Training Corp (MTC). Nos hemos basado en los
informes públicos anuales de las dos grandes sociedades y en cifras
estimadas de MTC utilizando registros de una solicitud de información
pública de hace una década” (1).
Las corporaciones de la prisión privada tienen muy poco que ganar en el
negocio penitenciario, razón por la cual la amplia mayoría (hasta un
95%) son todavía cárceles públicas (2). El Gobierno estadounidense (ej.
Los contribuyentes) afronta la factura de los 182 mil millones de
dólares. L@s poc@s beneficiari@s económic@s de la industria
penitenciaria son vendedoræs del comisariato, compañías de bonos de
fianzas y empresas telefónicas especializadas. Como Wagner y Rabuy
demuestran, estas son las industrias multimillonarias. Y estas, por
supuesto, se benefician, ¡sean las prisiones privadas o no!
¿Por qué estaría dispuesto el sistema imperialista a gastar casi 200 mil
millones de dólares al año en la pérdida de una amplia mano de obra
económica y consumidores? Por lo siguiente: “Muchas personas confinadas
en rejas no trabajan y los sistemas penitenciarios de cuatro Estados no
pagan nada” (1).
Tal y como Wagner señala en un artículo del 7 de octubre del 2015:
“Ahora, por supuesto, la influencia de las prisiones privadas variará de
Estado en Estado y, de hecho, han presionado para mantener el
encarcelamiento masivo; sin embargo, son mucho más influyentes los
beneficios políticos que l@s funcionari@s elegid@s de ambos partidos han
cosechado durante décadas por ser dur@s con la delincuencia, así como
los miles de millones de dólares ganados por l@s emplead@s de las
prisiones dirigidas por el gobierno y contratistas y vendedoræs
privad@s”.
“A l@s beneficiari@s de la generosidad de las prisiones públicas les
encanta cuando las prisiones privadas toman toda la atención. Cuánto más
centrado está el público en l@s propietari@s de las prisiones privadas,
menos se cuestiona qué pasaría si el gobierno nacionalizara las
prisiones privadas y dirigiera todas las instalaciones por sí mismo: De
cualquier manera, aún tendríamos el sistema penitenciario más grande del
mundo” (3).
L@s capitalistas no sacan beneficios económicos del supuesto “Complejo
Industrial de Prisiones”, pero l@s polític@s se benefician con la
obsesión de l@s estadounidenses blanc@s con la “delincuencia”. Teniendo
esto en cuenta, descubrimos la verdad tras la enigmática frase de Wagner
y Rabuy: “Para estar seguros, existen razones ideológicas y económicas
para el encarcelamiento masivo y la sobrecriminalización” (1).
Ya hemos examinado las razones económicas (grupos de poder como las
compañías de bonos de fianzas y los vendedores del comisariato están,
obviamente, buscando sacar beneficio). Así que, ¿cuáles son las razones
ideológicas?
Si observamos la población de las prisiones (ya sean públicas o
privadas), podemos ver dónde gana impulso el encarcelamiento masivo. La
gran mayoría de l@s prisioner@s son nuev@s african@s, chican@s y gente
de las Primeras Naciones (aunque la mayoría de la población general es
euroamericana). La cárcel no es un fraude de ingresos, sino un
instrumento de control social. El factor motivador es la dominación, no
la explotación.
Aunque si estamos siguiendo el dinero, entonces tenemos que observar
cómo se desglosan los gastos. Wagner y Rabuy presentan la división de
los costes de esta forma: costes judiciales y legales, costes
policiales, decomiso de activos civiles, cargos de fianzas, costes del
comisariato, cargos de llamadas telefónicas, “agencias de corrección
pública” (como emplead@s públic@s o asistencia médica), costes de
construcción, pagos de intereses y costes de comida e instalaciones.
Los autores resumen su metodología para llegar a sus estadísticas y
admiten que “existen muchas cosas para las que no hay disponibles
estadísticas nacionales ni manera sencilla de desarrollar una cifra
nacional a partir de los datos limitados estatales y locales” (1). A
pesar de dichas debilidades obvias para obtener datos concretos fiables,
sobresale el análisis abrumador.
Wagner y Rabuy hablan sobre la industria de la prisión privada al final
de su artículo. Ahí, escriben:
“Para ilustrar tanto la escala de la industria de la prisión privada
como el hecho clave de que esta industria funciona bajo contrato para
agencias del gobierno (en vez de arrestar, procesar, condenar y
encarcelar personas por sí mismas), expusimos a estas compañías como un
subconjunto del sistema público penitenciario” (1).
Tal y como se discutió en “MIM(Prisons) sobre la Economía de las
Prisiones de EE UU,”si el trabajo penitenciario fuera una mina de oro
para especuladoræs privad@s, entonces veríamos corporaciones de todo
tipo dirigiendo el camino para más prisiones” (2).
Teniendo esto en cuenta, el gobierno utiliza el sistema de injusticia en
Estados Unidos y las prisiones (tanto públicas como privadas) para
oprimir a las minorías nacionales. Y l@s estadounidenses blanc@s, que se
alínean en formación con emoción cuando polític@s racistas como Donald
Trump continúan siendo “dur@s con la delincuencia”, premian al gobierno
con entusiasmo y renovado vigor.
El MIM Thought (Pensamiento de MIM) hace hincapié en el imperialismo,
tanto dentro como fuera de Estados “Ofidios” (Unidos). La red de
prisiones no es una excepción: en este caso el imperialismo funciona
como método de control para l@s estadounidenses de las naciones
oprimidas. Como las estadísticas de Wagner y Rabuy demuestran
claramente, no existe un “Complejo Industrial de Prisiones”, existe un
intento sistemático de destruir individuos, comunidades y naciones (4).
Most Amerikan self-described “communists” will not even listen to this
album as soon as they see the title. Those same white nationalist
socialists refuse to read MIM’s writings because of all the KKKs and
dollar $igns. They claim it’s too distracting. We say transforming the
oppressors language is a necessary part of building a revolutionary
culture to replace the old one.
A week ago, the top results brought by a search for “Amerikkka” on
youtube.com(1) brought up songs from Ice Cube’s Amerikkka’s Most
Wanted album, some other hip hop singles, and videos from a former
associate of MIM with explicit anti-Amerikkkan messages. This week, Joey
Bada$$’s new album is rising to the top for that query. All
Amerikkkan Bada$$ isn’t as edgy as Ice Cube (it does lack Cube’s
misogyny) and certainly not as edgy as Shubel Morgan (who did music
videos for MIM and LLCO), but it’s got a pretty strong message of New
Afrikan unity and struggle.
In one interview Joey Bada$$ said:
“It’s like hella vegetables. It’s hella good for you, and it’s almost my
hesitance with it: the fact that it’s so good for you, because these
kids these days want candy.”(2)
It’s an interesting quote, because Shubel Morgan often talked about the
need for “sugar-coated bullets” in their artwork to help the message go
down.
The album title, All Amerikkkan Bada$$ is no doubt a reference to
Badass’s late partner in rhymes, Capital STEEZ’s mixtape Amerikkkan
Korruption. Lyrics on this new album hit references to that mixtape as
well, such as the track “Dead Prez” that was produced by Joey Bada$$.
Both Capital STEEZ and Joey Bada$$ are respected as lyricists, with fast
New York styles of rapping.
The album cover (and associated art) features an Amerikkkan flag made
out of red, white and blue bandannas. The song “Legendary” makes a
reference to Crip culture with the line “the legends they never die, the
niggers they only multiply.” More explicit are the lines in “Rockabye
Baby”:
“Peace to my Slimes, and peace to my Crips Neighborhood police and
they always on the shift Protect my Bloods, look out for my cuz
When it’s all said and done, we be the realest there was Who else if
just not us? If you ’bout this revolution, please stand up”
ScHoolboy Q of the Hoover Crips in Los Angeles comes into eir verse
with, “I’m part of the reason they still Crippin’ out in Brooklyn” and
goes on to echo the struggles of New Afrikans against police brutality
and unemployment.
While the first single, “Devastated” has been out for months, the
second, “Land of the Free”, came out just before the album dropped this
week. The first song is about success, and the video has a party vibe to
it. “Land of the Free” is about the struggle, and the video features
some strong imagery, including all-white pigs executing Black and Brown
people in all black. Joey Bada$$ intervenes to free some of them, but is
later shot and hung by cops in Ku Klux Klan robes. And while the video
shows Joey Bada$$’s U.$. flag made of bandanas throughout, what is not
so prominent is the upside down U.$. flag on the back of eir jacket.
“Land of the Free” features lyrics like, “sorry Amerikkka, but i will
not be your soldier, Obama just was not enough, i want more closure.”
The apt-titled opening track, “Good Morning Amerikkka” references Black
Panther Geronimo Pratt’s framing for murder by the state.
While the album features the usual “fuck the police” and “fuck the
government” refrains, the last track, “Amerikkkan idol”, also says,
“Fuck white supremacy,” a slogan that seems to be coming into vogue
following the election of Donald Trump.(3) This track closes with some
pretty sober and explicit lyrics:
“What the government is doing amongst our people is downright evil,
disturbing. But not surprising, that’s for certain… I believe they are
simply trying to slander, start a civil war within the U$A amongst Black
and white. They want us to rebel so that it makes it easy for them to
kill us and put us in jails… Alton Sterlings are happening every day in
this country, around the world…And it’s time for us to rebel, better yet
raise hell. I just want everyone to be cautious about how they go about
it… not only battling them on a physical plain, but to outsmart them… As
Black men, i think our gangs need to do a better job at protecting us,
the people, our communities and not assisting in destroying them
brutally. It’s time they even the score… We need solutions. You better
start plotting now.”
I believe that having alliances with lines that are military minded is
somewhat dangerous to the united front. First and foremost, I do believe
in armed struggle, but building public opinion on imperialism and moving
toward communism as the ultimate goal to end all oppression is key. Some
lumpen orgs or nationalists might criticize MIM(Prisons) on their line.
But truth be told we must study the history of the Cultural Revolution
in China, which gives us the best way to move toward socialism, ending
in communism. It also allows us to learn from the mistakes of the past.
Amerikkka targets lumpen orgs, and nationalist groups. So alliance with
a militia group might jeopardize the united front. And once the
imperialist policies place everyone in one basket who they feel are a
threat, they will place them in prisons or worse eliminate them as what
happened to many BPP members in the late 1960s. So, I must say comrades,
that MIM(Prisons)’s approach with study groups and challenging all
comrades to study history and dialectical materialism prepares us to use
public opinion to change the minds of the lumpens and all those who are
oppressed.
What good is guns if you don’t know who the enemy truly is? By enemy I
mean, just going up against amerikkka’s army is not enough. The enemy is
the system which must be changed. Guns with no vision or discipline is
suicide to the united front. The best weapon in the struggle is unity,
and armed struggle is also important. But each one teach one is the
method to awakening the masses on how capitalism destroys lives.
Once the American people become self-reliant and help their fellow man
and stop supporting this economic monster (capitalism-imperialism) then
hopefully through public opinion and democratic centralism we can
achieve the goal we all want which is communism.
As for snitches, there are different levels of snitching. But I will not
allow a person in my circle who I know has the tendencies to crack under
pressure. I mean those individuals who work for the prison
administration, receiving goods in order to cause chaos. They would go
so far as telling prison officials that you are sharing revolutionary
material and having your books confiscated.
Even on the outside you have to be careful aligning with rats who will
jeopardize the united front in order to demoralize and cause
dissociation. But as long as those who represent the militant side of
fighting oppression can agree that we must use strategy and wait for the
right time to strike the imperialist monsters, I’m all for it. But if
militants feel as though focoism is their aim, I’m all out. Educate the
poor and oppressed first, to show them the real enemy. And there needs
to be a change in habits and consciousness so that we will not allow
materialistic ideology to control us.
MIM(Prisons) responds: This comrade raises a good point about the
risks of allying with those who are engaging in military actions now. We
agree with em that focoism is not the right strategy. But the value of a
united front is that we can disagree on this point of strategy in terms
of the right time for armed struggle, but still unite in our fight
against imperialism. We can work with these organizations while
struggling with them over these points if such struggle seems fruitful.
We do not need to have complete agreement on points of strategy in order
to work together in a united front. We would also want to keep these
groups at arms’ length for the simple fact that advocating armed
struggle now is a known tactic cops use to wreck a movement from within.
But beyond the question of uniting without complete theoretical
agreement, this writer is arguing that it is too risky to unite with
focoists because their premature military action could bring down the
whole united front. This is certainly a risk we need to consider. Groups
within the UF have the autonomy to act independently of the group, and
so some may engage in actions that others disagree with. While we
wouldn’t automatically exclude focoists from a UF based on their
political line, this comrade is correct to warn that we need to stay
vigilant about actions that present a risk to our work and to our
organization.
At the same time, resistors of all stripes, even those who aren’t
focoist, bring down repression from the state. Even anti-imperialist
academics and people working in electoral politics are harassed, and
murdered, by the state when their words are too effective. One could
also argue that the frivolous security practices of other groups will
jeopardize the UF. We have to find a balance between putting ourselves
out there, and getting the work done.
We can’t make up easy rules to answer to this contradiction. Instead
everyone has to evaluate alliances based on the circumstances and
current situation.
Estelle Unit operates a “cite only” method of providing prisoners access
to courts, requiring prisoners to submit “cite specific requests” to
Access to Courts (ATC) officials in order to receive legal research
materials. Courts have repeatedly ruled cite-only access fails to
satisfy constitutional de minimis, explaining it is unreasonable to
expect a doctor of jurispridence to request cites by note, let alone a
pro se laypersyn prisoner.
Recently I was told by law library staff a case I cite-specifically
requested didn’t exist. I called bullshit stating the Texas Criminal
Practice Guide, John Boston’s and Dan Manville’s Prisoners’
Self-Help Litigation Manual, and Manville’s Prisoners’
Disciplinary Self-Help Litigation Manual don’t lie. I was then
threatened with disciplinary action. I invited such, desiring the denial
of access to courts be documented. The next day when admitted to the
so-called law library I was confronted by the ATC Supervisor in
possession of the case at issue, and all kinds of papers for me to sign,
validating I had in fact received the cite in question.
The very same day the above phantom caselaw was produced, I requested
another case by cite, and again told the case didn’t exist. I then set a
trap. I have repeatedly trapped and caught ATC pigs claiming
specifically-requested case citations did not exist which do indeed
exist. Case in point: I requested a denial of access to courts case per
the Estelle “cite only” method. I was told the case did not exist. I
waited a short period, then requested the supposed nonexistent case be
Shephardized, a method of cross-reference. At the next day’s so-called
law library session the Shephardized lexis.com download was presented to
me showing the case in question had been published in 1997. Priceless.
Absolutely priceless. Dumb blank faces blinking back at me.
MIM(Prisons) responds: The oppressors will never give the
oppressed the tools to overcome their oppression. This anecdote is an
example of exactly why we believe we need to build a revolutionary
movement to force the state to give up its power, so we can put an end
to Amerikkka’s prison system!
This is an open letter to all you advocates and activists who are at war
with the prison system. The American Corrections Association (ACA) has
done their two-stage, once in a decade, onsite prison review beginning
in January 2017 ending in March 2017. They’ve posted memos to the effect
of talking to prisoners and performing audits to better use monies
towards treatment and rehabilitational programs. Well at California
Correctional Institution (CCI) this is a joke, especially of the level 3
yard where there is no accountability on safety issues.
There are no cameras on yard nor in buildings that would hold
Correctional Staff to a higher level of accountability on the lines of
brutality waged against prisoners. This brutality is covered up too
often by collusion between Correctional Officers in reporting of
incidents which comes down to their words against prisoners’ with no
physical evidence to support because there are no surveillance cameras.
This is a black site operation, period. There exists no accountability
when it comes to enforcement practices. Correctional employees are given
full discretion and are supported fully by a Gestapo Culture with no
checks and balances from outside authorities. This is including the ACA,
who only talked to 2% of the prison population, and those were selected
by this administration, i.e. Correctional Staff.
There is no accountability on the running of programs, which means
anything from dayroom, yard, school, vacations, or even jobs. At the
same time there is no program and no movement, prisoners walk to medical
lines, walk to chow, go to self help groups, etc. No matter what the
weather is they are required to walk to and from just to lock themselves
back into their living quarters, i.e. cells. The ACA didn’t assist
prisoners to get assignment cards for going to college classes onsite
nor through mail even though they know these participants miss at least
9 hours a week from yard and dayroom, at the same time providing
assignment cards to prisoners in GED courses. Though the institution is
making money from these new college onsite classes of which I myself am
in, earning 6 credits for 2 classes this semester and enrolled in both
summer and winter courses. Yet, I am not able to go outside on the
weekend to get fresh air so I now get outside rec and fresh air less
than my brothers and sisters in the SHU. The American Correctional
Association is there for a waste of tax payers’ money.
Blame is put on the prisoners for most that continues to occur here to
be absolutely honest, because most of them fail to study the rules, are
rule breakers and have terrible conduct creating negative attention.
Once more I must state in complete truth, that all levels of staff have
treated me with respect, I haven’t gotten any write up, never assaulted
on any level by any level of Correctional Staff. Quite the opposite has
happened to me. I’ve initiated my own services, I’ve signed up and am
currently going to college, I had constructive conversations with all
levels of Correctional Staff. At the same time I’ve read the Title 15
and re-read it several times complying with every law and rule. I’ve
communicated with complete respect at all times with prisoners and
prison staff of all levels and walks of life.
This is written for the purpose of exciting advocates to get involved
with pro-social programs in person, to let them know that the ACA and
many other organizations are rip-offs and monies would effect more
positive change if and when it goes directly to the prison and prisoners
who are willing to take advantage of all pro-social programming. That
those who are doing the work to create better futures by learning in
college or vocational skill learning should receive beneficial treatment
and be allowed to go to yard on weekends and holidays even days that
they are off. We need advocates to sound the bell for us ensuring that
we are treated with favorable treatment, so that we are not being
punished for attempting to get ahead.
A Socialist and Conscious Comrade
MIM(Prisons) responds: We’ve been watching the great progress of
organizers at CCI with interest and excitement over the last year. But
playing by the rules does not generally pan out so well for prisoners
across the United $tates engaged in postive organizing along the lines
of the United Front for Peace in Prisons (UFPP). In one recent example,
the United Kage Brothers have been denied the ability to form an
official organization by the CDCR at Pelican Bay State Prison. And this
is why the UFPP stresses INDEPENDENCE as one of the 5 principles. If
local staff are supportive of your efforts that is great. And there is
plenty reason for them to be supportive of a safer work environment. But
we also must not build or organizing in a way that is dependent on the
whims of the state, which has a general principle of opposing the
organizing of the oppressed.
Issue 55 of Under Lock & Key is taking a deeper look at
building the United Front for Peace in Prisons at the margins. We’ve
already spent a lot of space debating the role people on Special Needs
Yards (SNY), especially in California. While that is an issue we will
need to continue to address, here we focus first on white nationalist
lumpen organizations, that are more likely to be on the mainline, and
how anti-imperialists might relate to them. We also have a few pieces
looking at the question of sex offenders who are generally seen as
pariahs. That topic is a subset of the SNY discussion. In this article
we will focus on the white nationalist question, and the question of
oppressed nations allying with whites in general. In many cases handling
this question properly will have a big impact on our success, because
there are a lot of white people in prisons and many of them team up with
white nationalist orgs.
One commonality across these examples is the need to consider how people
end up where they are. We print an example of
someone
taking sex offender charges out of expediency, and ey points out
that many such charges are flimsy. In some cases
sex
charges are politically motivated bad-jacketing. We will also see
many examples of people taking up white nationalism, to protect oneself
and also just out of a youthful ignorance, something many in prison can
identify with.
So there are a few principles of dialectical materialism that we should
apply in our analysis of groups which are often considered pariahs of
the revolutionary movement: 1) dialectics differs from metaphysics in
that metaphysics believes a thing has an essence; 2) dialectics in
contrast sees everything as always being in a constant state of change;
3) and we can best understand that change by looking at the
contradictions within that thing, while also considering the external
contradictions that may influence it (them). To put it another way, no
one is born a white supremacist or rapist, and just because someone’s
actions were that way in the past doesn’t mean they have to be in the
future.
What is White Nationalism?
Elsewhere in this issue we talk about
white
nationalism as an ideology that is a product of imperialism. Another
point we must stress when talking about white nationalism is it is the
majority ideology among the oppressor nation under imperialism. Most of
this issue will be dealing with extreme examples found in imprisoned
lumpen organizations. But there is a whole range of white nationalist
ideologies, and the lumpen organizations are not necessarily the most
extreme. Because the imprisoned lumpen are in the trenches, they must be
more scientific than the more privileged wings of the white nationalist
movement, and their motivations are often quite different.
In our current political climate in the United $tates, “white
nationalism” is a hot topic. It is being used to criticize President
Trump and those around em. But most of this criticism is coming from the
perspective that former President Obama was not a white nationalist. The
split between the left wing and right wing of white nationalism is about
how to best manage the oppressed, even when that is not how they think
about it. If we recognize that the current imperialist order is one that
puts whites in a position of supremacy, then we must conclude that any
position that works to preserve that system is white nationalist. Or we
may say Amerikan nationalist to avoid confusion when its proponents do
not appear white. But even though some internal semi-colony people are
sitting at the table, globally, white supremacy in the form of Amerikan
hegemony is alive and well.
Initially, the question of how and when to strategically ally with white
nationalists is a broad one, as it refers to how we might ally with the
majority of people in North America. But within that majority there are
different classes and political tendencies. And white nationalist
prisoners may be at the top of the list of likely allies from that
group.
Another argument for the importance of working with the white lumpen is
the Marxist analysis of the lumpen as a particularly dangerous, wavering
class. If this country is heading in a more fascist direction, white
nationalist lumpen youth and former military will be the first bases of
recruitment for the fascists. This concern applies to the lumpen in
general, but the national split makes it a harder sell for the internal
semi-colonies to take up fascism. As always, our strategy is to win over
all who can be won over, not to set false limitations based on identity
politics or preconceived assumptions.
More so than former military, the white lumpen have connections to the
struggles of the oppressed. And it is the massive prison system in this
country that we can largely thank for that. The modern prison system is
an inherent part of the modern ghetto, which has been lumpenized. While
segregation is stronger today in many cases in the ghettos, it is weaker
outside of the ghetto. This translates into a stronger class divide
within the oppressed nations. The extent of this divide in the white
nation is something that requires more research. But from the
information we have, white prisoners are much, much more likely to
integrate into petty-bourgeois society rather than be caught in a
ghetto-like situation upon release. But as long as they remain in
prison, whites do experience that ghetto life and the most brutal
repression that we have in this country.
Young Patriots, White Lumpen Revolutionaries
One of the best examples we have of white lumpen youth forming an
anti-imperialist organization was the Young Patriots Organization, which
started in Chicago in the late 1960s. Soon the offshoot Young Patriots
Party spread the movement to other parts of the United $tates. Their
example demonstrated both the potential and limitations of such an
organization. As long as there are pockets of whites that face similar
conditions to the oppressed nations, as they do in prison, a
revolutionary organization that can speak to and organize white lumpen
will strengthen the cause of anti-imperialism. However, the Black
Panthers, in particular Bob Lee and the leadership of Fred Hampton,
played a very hands-on role in the development of the Young Patriots. In
general history does not lead us to expect revolutionary white
organizations with correct political lines to take hold in North America
without good examples from the internal semi-colonies.
Even after becoming established, the Young Patriots were very limited by
the reactionary nature of their own nation. The Patriot base was
displaced southern whites who ended up in urban ghettos; a much smaller
group, but parallel to the New Afrikans who made the Great Migration.
When the Patriots returned to the south they were not received well. Two
of the members were killed shortly after returning to the south, because
of their organizing.(1) In other words, we are looking at exceptions to
the rule where there are pockets of whites who are both separate from
the oppressed nations but still living very similar lives and in
proximity to them. When Peggy Terry of the Young Patriot-associated
organization Jobs or Income Now (JOIN) ran for vice president, with
Black Panther Eldridge Cleaver as the presidential candidate in 1968,
they received a mere 28,000 votes in California. In contrast, the openly
racist George Wallace campaign got 500,000 (almost exclusively white)
votes.(2) And finally, for most of their existence the Patriots had more
spies watching their organization than they had members.(3) This
security issue is something others have pointed out with white
nationalist lumpen organizations in prison that can be
swimming
with federal agents.
Often the Panther rhetoric spoke of the Young Patriots as representing
“white power” in a way that was parallel to the Panthers’ “Black Power”
and Young Lords’ “Brown Power”. While we generally disagree with that
line, the Panthers later called out all other white groups as “fascists”
with the exception of the Patriots. The Patriot culture flew in the face
of the rest of the white anti-war and student movements, including their
confederate flag logo. We might draw a parallel to the Lucasville prison
uprising in Ohio in 1993, where it is reported that swastikas, lightning
bolts and words like “Supreme White Power” appeared alongside graffiti
throughout the prison saying “Black and White Together” and “Convict
unity.”(4) These white identities, historically associated with power
over New Afrikans were transformed in these unique circumstances.
Racism as a Tool of the Oppressor
MIM(Prisons) is cautious about presenting racism as merely a tool of the
imperialists to divide “the people” as that is the line of the
revisionists who claim that the majority of people in the imperialist
countries are proletarians that must be united in their common class
interest. As the practice of the Young Patriots demonstrated, this is
not the case. However, in prisons is where we see the greatest potential
for a class unity with whites that is progressive in the United $tates.
And in prison, it is certainly true that racism is a tool that is
actively used by the administration, even if often times white
nationalists are too willing to play the role of keeping other prisoners
in line for the state.
Of course, not all white prisoners are part of overtly racist lumpen
organizations. Former-Black-Panther-turned-anarchist Lorenzo Komboa
Ervin documented the history of the federal penitentiary at Terre Haute,
Indiana, which was transformed from a completely Ku Klux Klan-dominated
facility to one where New Afrikans built power in alliance with white
prisoners. Ey argues that the anti-racist whites, often imprisoned for
anti-war activities, were able to re-educate other white prisoners where
non-white prisoners would not be able to.(5) This is an example of the
importance of white-specific organizing, though not on the basis of an
outward white nationalism.
We must reach people where they are at in a segregated society. We saw
this with the Panthers in Chicago who were viewed with great skepticism
by the white residents of Uptown, but were welcomed by the Young Patriot
leadership. We saw this in Lucasville, where the New Afrikan leaders
picked Aryan Brotherhood member George Skatze to stand with them as a
representative of white prisoners because of eir history of settling
disputes between whites and New Afrikans.
“At some point on this first day George saw a black inmate (Cecil Allen)
talking through a bull horn to a small crowd of other prisoners. George
went up to listen. To his surprise the man on the bull horn pointed to
George and said, ‘There’s nobody going to be talking to you guys but me
or this man right here,’ meaning George Skatze.”
Accepting
their request for help, Skatze later “approached the whites, who were
sitting in the bleachers. Putting his arm around a black inmate George
said, ‘If the guards come in here they’re going to shoot us all, no
matter what color we are.’ We asked George who that black man was. He
said, I don’t know; I had never met him before.”(6)
Veteran of the first wave of the California prison movement, Kumasi
describes one scene in the late 1960s where hundreds of prisoners
circled around the yard chanting, “Power to the people! Death to the
pigs!” Approaching the group of white gangsters on the sidelines ey
framed the situation as “are you going to be with us or with the pigs?”
And since the reality reflected eir statement, they sure didn’t want to
be seen as siding with the pigs. As the whites started to join the ranks
of the protestors, Kumasi grabbed one of their hands and raised it in
the air as they faced the warden. In a segregated society this sort of
representation of different nationalities can have powerful effects.
Kumasi has a number of stories about organizing across nationality.
Similar to today, the California system was very segregated back then.
Various white power and nazi gangs existed, as they do today. The united
fronts Kumasi forged with these groups were not long-term and could be
quite impulsive. It was really the strength of eir own organization that
pushed others to come along. A justification of the line that building
up one’s own national unity helps build up the united front. Because the
movement for change had reached such popularity and support among New
Afrikans, it was easier to get the Chican@s to join up (who had not yet
been divided between north and south).
A USW comrade has this to say about organizing in California today:
“There has been times when we’ve done alliances with white nationalist
groups in prison. Any time we had a common goal, say shutting down SHUs,
or removing informants off yard, assistance with legal work and what
not.
“The only way for this to function is by creating a different set of
politiks/policies than those used amongst the other LOs. As long as it
does not interfere with the LOs’ goals to end oppression. It is my
opinion that even when dealing with oppressor nation LOs we must keep a
move ready to be made once achieving certain goals due to the history
the oppressor nation LOs have and because of their values as humans. We
wouldn’t like to see the LOs of the oppressed be set back a step or two
after gaining ground. I think that even unity of some form can be
achieved with pariahs – taking into account what they’ve done and what
they are willing to do to not only redeem themselves but to benefit the
struggle even at the cost of sacrifice. There is a place, space, form
and energy for everyone in a struggle. It is our responsibility to
organize, learn, and organize again.”
What these histories demonstrate is that in cases where the white
nationalists aren’t completely in bed with the pigs, they tend to see
themselves as prisoners and the pigs as their foes, like everyone else.
And it is the unity around demands for all prisoners, ones that are
nationality-neutral, that we will see opportunities for united front. So
while national unity may need to come first, class unity will always be
important in the prison movement.
White nationalism in general, whether of the left-wing or right-wing
variety, is based in an alliance with imperialism. But there are
examples in history of portions of the white population in the United
$tates who may have overt racist overtones without the attachment to
imperialism. Or at least with a mixed relationship to imperialism. And
in many cases this racism is more motivated by fear of the other, or
just self-protection than it is any deep investment in racist ideology
itself. The AB comrade who wrote
“The
Enemy of my Enemy” seems to be an example of this white nationalism
based in youthful ignorance. And the experience of the prison system has
given em the opportunity to learn about the lives of the oppressed, and
to live that life emself. George Skatze from Lucasville was also an
example of this, someone who stood with New Afrikan prisoners and
literally put eir life on the line in the struggle for prisoner rights
and then later at the hands of the state when ey was one of the comrades
who did not make a deal with the state to avoid death row as some of the
charged prisoners did.
While others suggest we fight racism as a way to end oppression, we say
to fight oppression to overcome racism. And in some cases oppression
itself will overcome racism, by uniting those once divided by ideas of
race. Our ideas are a product of our material conditions, and in
participating in the transformation of our conditions our ideas change.
There was an entry in ULK 53 I am compelled to address under the
heading
“Deadly
Heat Victory in Louisiana.” It was erroneously reported the 5th
Circuit ruling in Bell v. LeBlanc, 792 F. 3d 584, mandated the
temperature be maintained “at or below 88 degrees in Angola’s death row
buildings.”
Not so. The 5th Circuit held the U.S. District Court Middle District of
Louisiana ruling encompassing all of Louisiana’s death row overly broad,
and therefore an abuse of the District Court’s discreation, violation of
the Prison Litigation Reform Act (PLRA). The 5th Circuit pared down the
District Court’s ruling to affect only the three named plaintiffs: Elzie
Ball, Nathaniel Code, and James Magee. The only reason the 5th Circuit
upheld the District Court’s ruling as pertaining to these three
plaintiffs is because all three are afflicted with pre-existing medical
conditions that are susceptible to heat-induced complications.
“Based on its findings of fact, we affirm the district court’s
conclusion that housing these prisoners in very hot cells without
sufficient access to heat-relief measures, while knowing that each
suffers from conditions that render him extremely vulnerable to serious
heat-related injury, violates the Eighth Amendment. … The district court
also erred because it awarded relief facility-wide, instead of limiting
such relief to Ball, Code, and Magee. … Because the district court’s
injunction provides an unnecessary type of relief and applies beyond
these three Plaintiffs, it violates the PLRA. Accordingly, the district
court abused its discretion. … We emphasize, however, that the finding
of substantial risk regarding a heat-related injury is tied to the
individual health conditions of these inmates.” Ball v. LeBlanc,
792 F.3d 584, 596-600, FNG.
The 5th Circuit opined Ball, Code, and Magee could be housed in cells
closer to the death row guards’ station, which is air conditioned,
thereby cooler than the remainder of death row cells. Or, at most, a
single death row tier could be air conditioned as a heat-relief measure
for prisoners similarly situated to Ball, Code, and Magee. But as for
requiring the Louisiana Department of Corrections to maintain
temperatures below 88 degrees at Angola’s death row altogether, the 5th
Circuit judged that was not necessary to comport with the Federal
Constitution.
Moral being, if it sounds too good to be true.. perhaps MIM(Prisons)
should submit to me these litigous tidbits for vetting and verification.
MIM(Prisons) responds: Thank you to this comrade for setting the
record straight, and helping to keep our subscribers from venturing down
a wrong path in seeking their own relief from extreme heat, especially
as summer is fast approaching. We rely on our subscribers to share their
knowledge with us, whether it be their legal expertise, organizing
experience, or theoretical understanding. Everyone should be making an
effort to increase our collective abilities, which our oppressors try so
hard to eliminate.
There are some good examples of united fronts between oppressed and
reactionary groups in the history of the United $tates. Some of which
ended up serving the interests of the oppressed and some which
ultimately hurt the oppressed. We find a few of these examples described
well in the book 500 Years of Indigenous Resistance available
from PM Press.(1)
First the case of the fight between the British and the emerging United
$tates of Amerika.
“In 1812, using the pretext of Native raids along its northern frontier
from British territories, U.S. forces attempted to invade British North
America. Here again, Britain’s colonial policies proved effective; an
alliance of Native nations (who had their own interests in full
implementation of the 1763 Proclamation [which prohibited settlement
west of the Appalachian mountains following the French and Indian War])
and European settlers succeeded in repulsing the U.S. expansion.”(p. 29)
As we have seen since 1812, the victory of the United $tates in the
Revolutionary War did not serve the interests of the First Nations. So
the First Nations definitely chose the right side in this battle, even
though the British surely had no real interest in supporting the rights
of the First Nations beyond what was necessary to gain their support.
This is an example of identifying the principal enemy and building
alliances against that enemy, even if those alliances are with groups
that would be enemies in other circumstances. This united front is
similar to the alliance between the Kuomindang and the Chinese
Communists in the war against Japanese imperialism. Ultimately the
Kuomindang betrayed the Communist Party, but at the time Japan was the
principal enemy and fighting together in a the united front was the
right choice to achieve the ultimate goal of establishing a socialist
state.
Another example is found in the U.$. Civil War, which was used by
Afrikan slaves to fight for their freedom. It was not a case of whites
going to war to help end slavery, but Afrikans were in a position to
force this issue to the forefront.
“The beginning of the U.S. Civil War in 1861 posed various problems for
the northern Union ruling class. Not only was the war for the
preservation of an expanding continental empire, but it also opened up a
second front: that of a liberation struggle by enslaved Afrikan peoples.
With a population of four million, the rising of these Afrikans in the
South proved crucial in the defeat of the Confederacy. By the tens of
thousands Afrikan slaves escaped from the slavers and enlisted in the
Union forces. This massive withdrawal of slave-labour hit the Southern
economy hard, and the Northern forces were bolstered by the
thousands.”(2)
In the aftermath of the Civil War, Afrikans in the South correctly
identified a shift in their principal enemy. It was no longer time to
ally with Union forces. With the ending of the war these slaves were
about to lose their bargaining position as fighters in the Union army.
“Towards the end of the War in 1865, those Afrikans who did not escape
began a large-scale strike following the defeat of the confederacy. They
claimed the lands that they had laboured on, and began arming themselves
– not only against the Southern planters but also against the Union
army. Widespread concerns about this ‘dangerous position’ of Afrikans in
the South led to ‘Black Reconstruction’; Afrikans were promised
democracy, human rights, self-government and popular ownership of the
land. In reality, it was a strategy for returning Euro-American
dominance….”(p. 40)
This shift resulted in a better deal for former slaves than they would
have got by just passively sticking with their unity with the North. But
it shows the need to complete the New Afrikan war for liberation from
the United $tates to achieve the basic goals of the Afrikan soliders who
freed themselves from slavery. Different conditions will require
reevaluation of who is our principal enemy and what are appropriate
united front strategies at the time.
Recently we learned that one of our readers and a long-time activist,
Zero, had a letter published on the
Anarchist Black Cross Portland (ABC PDX) website and in the
Incarcerated Workers Organizing Committee (IWOC) newsletter responding
to an article in Under Lock & Key No. 50 (May/June 2016)
about the
September 9 work stoppage. Zero invited us to respond publicly and
so we have done our best here to distill this debate down to what we see
as the most important points.
With IWOC, ABC, and Zero, we have a common enemy in the criminal
injustice system and imperialism more broadly. We are writing this
response with the goal of building unity, not division, between
organizations and individuals that are working hard to fight this unjust
system.
Anarchism vs. Communism
Fundamentally we have a disagreement over anarchism vs. communism, but
we believe that both camps are fighting for the same thing at root: an
end to oppression of groups of people by other groups of people. We just
think that communists have a more scientific plan for how to get there
than anarchists, based on our study of how these same efforts have been
attempted, succeeded, and failed in the past. The oppressed people of
the world deserve the best and fastest route to liberation. Communists
hope to discover what that route is through not only our study but also
our practice.
This disagreement over the importance of science to revolutionary
struggle is highlighted in a lot of what Zero wrote. Ey accuses
MIM(Prisons) of being intellectuals whose “theory is based in theory.”
Zero also claims to have no interest in political line in the
development of the September 9 work stoppage: “I don’t care what your
line is, nor does anyone else I work closely with on this project.
Beyond small friendly jabs at each other, nothing I’ve seen or read, or
heard from anyone in this campaign suggests anyone cares much about
line.”
Yet it’s a discredit to the hunger strike organizers to say that they
don’t care much about line. It is precisely political line and
theoretical analysis that drives the concept that “prisoner labor is
slavery and this mass work stoppage is a good plan to shut down
prisons.” Without unity on this analysis, the organizers might have
decided (as an example) the best approach is for everyone to fast
because the Amerikkkan farms depend on prisons to buy agricultural goods
and so this boycott would shut down the farms and hence force prison
reform. IWOC and ABC aren’t suggesting this, and that’s probably because
of their correct theoretical understanding of agriculture in this
country. In forming their alliance on this campaign, Zero, IWOC, and ABC
at least agree on this political line, even if they don’t talk about it.
After all, they are all anarchists (or anarchist-led), so they have much
unity on line already.
Zero finds “contradictory statements” in our original article that help
demonstrate where we depart from the anarchists because our strategy
differs from theirs. Zero wrote:
“In paragraph #5 you say: ‘we do see power in the ability of prisoners
to shut down facilities by not doing the work to keep them running for a
potentially longer period’. But then in paragraph #10 you say ‘the
organizers of the anti-slavery protest are misleading people into
believing that shutting down prison work will shut down prisons’.
If masses of prisoners stopped working, forever, some facilities may
close. This would likely be because of where they’re located
geographically, the layout and security level of the facility, and how
easy or difficult it is to staff the prisons to accommodate for the loss
of labor. But would that close all prisons in the United $tates? We
doubt it. Does that mean we think prisoners should all just keep
working? No! Short of overthrowing capitalist Amerikkka’s power
altogether, we will still have prisons in this country based on national
oppression. But making that oppression more difficult is always a good
thing.
Our point is that Amerikkka is willing to spend a lot of time, money and
resources on imprisoning a staggering number of people, all at a
financial loss. So we do not see evidence that if prisoners stop working
and it suddenly becomes more expensive to imprison people that that will
shut down the prison system. It most certainly is a form of resistance
that heightens the contradictions between the oppressed and the
oppressor, and even within the oppressor camp. Such an act would
certainly have great influence on the ever-changing realities within the
U.$. criminal injustice system, as would any sustained, mass prisoner
mobilization.
Elitism?
Zero criticizes MIM(Prisons), “You spell united front with capital ‘U’
and ‘F’ which is what MIM calls one of its programs, short for UFPP, and
as [UFPP] makes specific ideological demands for any entity it is
willing to work with, I’m led to believe that what you truly mean by
‘work with’ is to ‘co-opt’.” We do capitalize the name of the
organization United Front for Peace in Prisons (UFPP), which has a
specific program (the 5 Principles of the UFPP: Peace, Unity, Growth,
Internationalism, and Independence). Organizations that agree with those
principles but disagree with us on many other things have joined this
United Front and there is no attempt to co-opt those groups. We do not
capitalize “united front” when not talking about this specific
organization (if we have in print it was a mistake, not a political
point). This is not a problem of elitisim, it is simply grammar. We
welcome the development of a united front against prisons, and even
better a united front against imperialism, outside of the UFPP and not
bound by its 5 principles. But we do believe that united fronts need to
have clear points of unity so that there isn’t a question of
organizations being forced to change their political line or give up
their independence to participate. In other words, we are actively
trying to organize in a way to prevent the co-opting of organizations
that Zero accuses us of attempting.
Zero goes on to say that MIM(Prisons) “… refuse[s] to even mention the
names of these other revolutionary organizations so that your readers
can reach out and seek information on their own. Another display of
elitist hegemonization of line.” Yet this comment is in the context of
criticizing an article that specifically named the IWOC and included a
link directly to its publication, so we’re confused about where we
failed to mention the other organizers’ names. On this point, however,
we did fail to convert the web address to a print address in our print
version of ULK, which of course makes it harder for subscribers
to reach out directly to IWOC, and we are correcting that mistake in our
footnote to this article and our general practice. We actually print
many articles debating theory and practice, including some that
explicitely disagree with us. To be clear though, the purpose of
ULK is to educate and inform people on what we see as the
most correct political line and practice and so we always offer our
response to those points of disagreement and allow our readers (and
history) to decide who is correct.
On this same point, we also highlight the correct practice of our
predecessors in the Maoist Internationalist Movement (MIM) who
distributed a pamphlet “What’s Your Line?” with the names, addresses and
political positions of a wide spectrum of political organizations. We
haven’t put the time or money into compiling a similar up-to-date list
because our resources are sadly limited, but we still support this
practice. Perhaps an innocent oversight, but neither the ABC nor the
IWOC bothered to link to our website or print contact information for
MIM(Prisons) alongside Zero’s long and scathing critique of our
organization.
Nihilism or Subjectivism
In eir argument against political theory Zero writes: “I’m an anarchist.
More, a nihilist. … In the words of Bakunin, the true revolutionist is
concerned with the science of destruction. Let the other sciences be the
work of future generations. … And as Bakunin said, sometimes we just
have to throw theory into the fire, for it only stalls life.” It’s great
to have faith that humynity can work out the problems of the future, but
the problems of today also require scientific analysis. The oppressed
don’t have the luxury of banging their heads against the wall for years
failing to make progress. If historical revolutions have failed in the
same way repeatedly, we need to learn from those mistakes. And if
revolutions have succeeded with certain practices, we should learn from
those. This is what theory is all about: learning from history and
applying those lessons to our practice today. Then looking at our own
practice, drawing conclusions, and adapting our approach.
Citing Webster’s dictionary and dictionary.com, without acknowledging
the class interests that those resources represent, and saying “that’s
good enough for me” is simply subjectivism. Denying the importance of
theory to our practice is to make us slaves (pun intended) to our
emotions and subjectivism, which are very thoroughly conditioned by our
residence in an imperialist country. We cannot expect to overcome
subjectivism 100%, but through applying dialectical and historical
materialsm we hope to make the fewest errors in our revolutionary work
as possible.
Zero gives a good example of theoretical analysis in eir criticism:
“In closing, let me clarify that dialectical soundness can often depend
on interpretation. You all use orthodox marxist definitions of ‘slavery’
even though we live in a post-modern, post-fordist time and place. The
dynamics of our current reality are different. And so we must also
re-assess our definitions. Besides, though personally I use marxist
formulas I’m ultimately a nihilist, un-beholden to an particular
ideological parameters. In other words. My definition of ‘slavery’ is
reflected by our material conditions, not political agenda.”
Zero is correctly stating here that we must adapt our theory to current
conditions. What held true in Marx’s day may not be true today. We can’t
just get stuck in what Marx wrote and ignore changes in conditions. We
agree with that. But we ask Zero, what is it but theory that allows us
to discuss who is or isn’t a slave? If this discussion isn’t based in
theory, then it’s just subjectivism.
For example, here is an instance where MIM(Prisons)’s analysis has
adapted to changing conditions since Marx’s day. We see that while the
vast majority of workers of all countries were exploited in the past,
and made up the proletariat class that Marx wrote about so thoroughly,
today imperialism has advanced to the point where workers in imperialist
countries are mostly petty-bourgeois. This is a point where we tend to
disagree with groups who organize people in the First World around their
economic interests (as opposed to national interests).
Finally, demonstrating the difficulty in remaining anti-theory while
discussing political theory, Zero critiqued our point that work strikes
will not in-and-of-themselves bring down the Amerikan criminal injustice
system: “I’d ask on what dialectical evidence you base your theory that
america would ‘figure out’ how to keep us locked up.” This is a good
example of the importance of theory. If we’re wrong, then we should
focus our efforts into organizing work stoppages. And Zero is right, it
is dialectical materialist analysis that will help us figure that out
here. The article that Zero responded to actually went into a lot of
depth on this very point, explaining that prisons are primarily tools to
control society, not make profit, which aid in the oppressive force of
the bourgeoisie by keeping lumpen and anyone deemed dangerous to their
power locked away. We know that prisons are not reliant on the money
made from prisoner labor, because there is public information showing
that
prisons
are money-losing operations.
Political debate is not the same as political opposition
To clarify our position, in the original article about the September 9
protests we talked about the similarities and differencess between the
five-year history of the United Front for Peace in Prisons September 9
Day of Peace and Solidarity, and this newer call for prisoner activism
on September 9: “First we want to say that we are always happy to see
people taking up organizing and trying to build unity behind bars. There
are some very good points taken in this call to action… we would hope to
work with these folks to broaden our movement.” We followed this up with
multiple articles reporting on the work stoppage and praising the
widespread protests.
But Zero seems to think that by publically criticizing an incorrect
point of political theory from the organizers we are opposing the
protests. Ey wrote
“What we have here is a huge social base, across prison walls, that is
extremely pissed off. And we have an opportunity to harness that anger
and point it at our enemy on September 9th, thats all the analysis I
need. and I say that if you oppose this in any way, you’re nothing but a
house slave ready to defend your master. your complicit and should be
among the first to be taken to task.”
If we won’t just blindly agree and follow eir leadership, apparently we
are written off as complicit with the enemy. Isn’t this the squelching
of political debate that anarchists so vehemently oppose? To be clear,
we support the September 9th protests, both those organized by members
of the United Front for Peace in Prisons, and those promoted by the
IWOC. Our criticism is directed toward statements that participating in
these protests will shut down the prisons because prisons are dependent
on prisoner slave labor. If we did not make this clear in our articles
about September 9, we will take this criticism to help us approach the
struggle with a clearer focus on unity.
Finally, Zero wrote that we should have known about this work strike
sooner. It looks like there was some censorship of our mail from em so
letters from Zero about this didn’t get to us. We did reach out to IWOC
and others about working together on September 9 organizing once we
learned about the work strike (which we did hear about from a number of
ULK subscribers). We never got a response from the organizers. We
hope that going forward we can collaborate in the fight against the
criminal injustice system to build a stronger movement. This doesn’t
mean we will give up our communist position, nor does it mean that Zero,
ABC, or IWW need to give up their anarchism, and in fact we would argue
that continuing this debate publicly is good for everyone. In practice
we hope to collaborate on the September 9 protest in 2017.
I would like to bring to your attention a proliferating issue and a
sophisticated form of manipulation and capitulation by certain female
guards here, which is threatening my motivational efforts and energy of
prisoners who are trying to mobilize pockets of resistance. The
prisoners in our immediate cipher and midst on a daily basis, in the
disguise of recreation, study groups, or just basic conversations, are
involved in some alarming episodes of perversion here at Sussex Sucks I
State Prison. If we stand by and just criticize, make fun of, or gossip
and back bite about those prisoners who get snaggled up in this spider
web/trap, then the pigs are going to use this misguided erotic behavior
to destroy the elements of positive aspirations that iz being pushed
forward by a different segment of conscious prisoners here on this slave
pen of oppression.
Everyone is aware of the enormous amount of jobs that become available
because of the booming rise in the prison construction throughout the
Amerikkkan colony. But no one seems to have noticed the alarming amount
of female guards that are subsequently recruited, hired and then trained
for a job inside this bulging prison culture complex! So today, a lot of
these same female guards are assigned to the actual cell blocks/pods
that house many of the state’s most violent male prisoners. And as a
direct result of the placement of these female guards inside each of
these components, you now see these same so-called violent prisoners
becoming mentally and emotionally hypnotized by the astute beauty of
some female guards who exhibit this aura or facade with their tour of
correctional duty and within their clandestine episodes of flirtation.
In some of these housing components, I have even witnessed female guards
displaying their siren characteristics in an attempt to control and
compel the feeble-minded guys into conforming with the prison rules and
regulations. In some cases these female guards are playing mind games,
as they get off on the drama of seeing several men chasing them and even
fighting over them, and manipulating them into becoming pod police by
telling and doing the police job as an incentive. These female guards
want the prisoners to help them stroke their own clandestine exotic or
erotic fantasies while making money as a past time and advancing their
career in law enforcement!
Before I commence my conclusion, it iz essential and imperative that I
maintain the organizational strategy by indicating that there are
numerous female guards who despise being exploited by the display of
male sex organs in the workplace, and I really support all of these
female guards who take a stance against this form of sexism. Because to
subjugate women in general and solely on the basis of gender iz not only
wrong, but dudes who believe and practice these subjective axioms and
the actions that stem from this obnoxious belief are really saying that
women are not worthy of genuine respect, or perhaps those prisoners
think that a woman cannot be feminine without being submissive! All
prisoners, brothas, all nations must begin the task of taking a personal
analysis of themselves immediately and we should be self-critical.
Otherwise we won’t understand what our criminal thought pattern iz doing
to the overall struggle of the masses here in North Amerikkka.
Correctional male chauvinism must be eliminated if prisoners really plan
to make it past this adolescent crisis that arises to the level of this
extracurricular prison activity.
In closing, I felt the need to proselytize to the conscious prisoner
class, clearly it iz better to err acting to bring about positive change
than to do nothing for fear of erring. Please spread this word and
cogitate what has been evaluated and written here in adroit-like
fashion, because we have to stop this new wave of mental, physical, and
emotional ignorance. Peace!
I want to know if other comrades are dealing with these same issues. If
so, no one is speaking on it. Stop watching the idiot box, it’s
hypnotizing you!
MIM(Prisons) responds: This is a good point to raise for
discussion which we hope will inspire others to write in. There is, as
this prisoner explains, a general contradiction in imperialist society,
with the treatment of females under the patriarchy. But in prison this
situation is changed. There is still some clear gender oppression of
females, but in male prisons (which are the vast majority in this
country) there is a reversal of roles in some ways. Males face gender
oppression due to their unique status as prisoners.
We see this with the example given here of female guards manipulating
prisoners through sex and flirting. The female guards are using
patriarchal objectification to keep male prisoners passive, and even
serving the very system that locks them up. We need to expose this
manipulation and talk about why it can happen, and what we can do about
it. It should not be ok to do any guard’s bidding, male or female. Are
other people seeing this? What can be done to fight back?